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2. See Weiss, R., Humanism in England During the Fifteenth Century, 3rd ed. (London: Blackwell, 1967), pp. 5–6, 185Google Scholar, for a survey of recent scholarship. Schirmer's, W. F.Der Englische Frühhumanismus (Leipzig: B. Tauchnitz, 1931; Tubingen: M. Niemeyer, 1963)Google Scholar has been reprinted with a few changes. Thomas More, Thomas Linacre, and John Colet have received the greatest attention: see Gibson, R. W. and Patrick, J. M., St. Thomas More: A Preliminary Bibliography (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1961)Google Scholar and Sullivan, Frank, Moreana (Los Angeles: Loyola University, 1964-1968)Google Scholar; O'Malley, C. D., English Medical Humanists: Thomas Linacre and John Caius (Lawrence, Kansas: University of Kansas Press, 1965)Google Scholar; Warlick, Roger, Colet and Humanism (unpublished dissertation, Boston University, 1965)Google Scholar, among other recent studies.

3. Very little is known about the educational or family background of the Benedictine monk who became abbot of Westminster in 1469 and bishop of Hereford in 1474. He may have been a member of a diplomatic mission to Louis XI in 1480; he did head a mission to Innocent VIII in May, 1487, at which time William Selling and Bishop John Shirwood were his companions: Emden, A. B., A Biographical Register of the University of Oxford (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1959), II, 1282Google Scholar (cited hereafter as BRUO); Pearce, E. H., The Monks of Westminster (Cambridge: University Press, 1916), pp. 28, 152–3Google Scholar; Scofield, Cora L., The Life and Reign of Edward IV (London: Longmans, Green and Co., 1923), II, 274Google Scholar. John Leland referred to his knowing Greek, but offered no source for his authority: Commentarii De Scriptoribus Britannicis, ed. Hall, A. (Oxford: E Theatro Sheldoniano, 1709), p. 484.Google Scholar

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13. Le Neve, John, Fasti Ecclesiae Anglicanae (London: Athlone Press, 1962), VI, 109Google Scholar; IX, 3.

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23. Weiss, , Humanism in England, 66–7, 161Google Scholar; Provost Argentine of King's also collected humanistic works. For a discussion of his library, see Rhodes, E. E., “Provost Argentine of King's and His Books,” Transactions of the Cambridge Bibliographical Society, 2 (1956), 205–212.Google Scholar

24. King became bishop of Bath and Wells in 1493; Le Neve, , Fasti, VIII, 3Google Scholar. John Blythe was bishop of Salisbury in 1493 and his brother was consecrated bishop of Coventry and Lichfield in 1503: Le Neve, , Fasti, III, 3Google Scholar; X, 3.

25. Ullman, B. L., “Manuscripts of Humphrey, Duke of Gloucester,” EHR, 52 (1937), 670–2CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Weiss, , Humanism in England, 64–5.Google Scholar

26. BRUO, III, 1666Google Scholar; Weiss, B., “New Light on Humanism in England During the Fifteenth Century,” Journal of the Warburg and Courtauld Institutes, 14 (1951), 21CrossRefGoogle Scholar. For their correspondence, see Sheppard, J. B., ed., Christ Church Letters (London: Camden Society, New Series, 1877), XIX, 26–7, 45–6Google Scholar. Langton seemed preoccupied with securing a gift of French wine for the monastery and does not mention their mutual interest in learning. An occasional glimpse of Selling's taste in manuscripts is revealed in such catalogs as James, M. R., Ancient Libraries of Canterbury and Dover (Cambridge: University Press, 1903), pp. 174, 307Google Scholar, and James, M. R., Sources of Archbishop Parker's Manuscripts (Cambridge: Cambridge Antiquarian Society, 1899), p. 9.Google Scholar

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28. Le Neve, , Fasti, I, 81Google Scholar. Grocyn had an interesting conversation with Erasmus on the subject of patronage and gifts of books. When Erasmus wondered why he had not been more amply rewarded for dedicating a work to a certain noted man, Grocyn replied that the patron suspected Erasmus of dedicating the same work to a number of individuals. The conversation is reported in Burrows, M., “Memoir of Grocyn,” Collectanea (Oxford: Oxford Historical Society, 1890), II, 360Google Scholar, n. 1. Plural dedications were not an unusual practice; for example, Linacre dedicated his translation of Galen's De sanitate tuenda to Henxy VIII and gave presentation copies to both Fox and Allen, Wolsey P. S., ed., Letters of Richard Fox, (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1929), pp. 5, 107.Google Scholar

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31. Opus Epistolarum Des. Erassmi Roterodami, ed. P. S. Allen (Oxford: University Press, 1906), I, 416–7Google Scholar. Erasmus appealed to the bishop by saying that the work, Toxaris, or On Friendship, reminded him that nothing is more Christian than a true and perfect friendship. Consult Garrod, H. W., “Erasmus and His English Patrons,” The Library, 5th Series, 4 (1949–1950), 1–2CrossRefGoogle Scholar, and Erasmus', Epistoae, I, 417–20, 439–40, 449, 512–13, 549–50, 561–2Google Scholar for Warham's patronage.

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34. Cosenza, , Biographical and Bibliographical Dictionary, V, 1306Google Scholar. The Palaephati in the title of the work refers to Phasiauinus' teacher at Bologna. Andrea Alciati was one of Phasianinus' pupils; perhaps Nykke was as well.

35. Bolgar, R. R., The Classical Heritage and Its Beneficiaries (Cambridge: University Press, 1954), pp. 262–4CrossRefGoogle Scholar. Whether one wishes to consider the fourteenth-century discovery of lost works as “recent” is another matter. Bolgar reminds us that the recovery of a few Latin authors did not alter the character of Latin studies significantly. The history of the survival and recovery of classical works is related by Sandys, John E., A History of Classical Scholarship (New York: Hafner Pub. Co., 1958), 617–664Google Scholar; II, 6–34.

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