I would like to thank Piet Visser, curator of the Mennonite Library, University of Amsterdam, and Sjouke Voolstra, Mennonite Seminary, University of Amsterdam, for their professional assistance and for the opportunity to discuss the subject of this paper in a creative way during its formative stages. An earlier version of this paper was read to the Canadian Society for Renaissance Studies, University of Victoria, B. C., 23 May 1990.

1. See Alastair, Duke, Reformation and Revolt in the Low Countries (London, 1990), p. 10.Google ScholarFor an introduction to the Dutch language reform, see Vandeputte, O., Vincent, P. and Hermans, T., Dutch: The Language of Twenty Million Dutch and Flemish People (Brussels, 1981)Google Scholarand de Vooys, C. G. N., Geschiedenis van de Nederlandse Taal, 5th ed. (Groningen, 1952).Google Scholar

2. De Vooys, p. 61.Google Scholar

3. See Gary, K. Waite, David Jons and Dutch Anabaptism, 1524–1543 (Waterloo, 1990), esp. pp. 145–161;Google Scholarand Samme, Zijlstra, Nicolaas Meyndertsz van Blesdijk. Een bijdrage tot de Geschiedenis van het Davidjonsme (Assen, 1983).Google Scholar

4. See Gary, K. Waite, “The Dutch Nobility and Anabaptism, 1535–1545,” forthcoming in The Sixteenth Century Journal.Google Scholar

5. See Gary, K. Waite, “The Longevity of Spiritualistic Anabaptism: The Literary Legacy of David Joris,” Canadian Journal of History/Annales Canadiennes D'Histoire 26 (1991): 177–198.Google Scholar

6. van den Branden, L., Het Streven naar Verheerlijking Zuivering en Opbouw van het Nederlands in de 16de Eeuw (Arnhem, 1967), pp. 12–15.Google Scholar

7. As translated from van den Branden, pp. 13–14.Google ScholarGymnick's work was entitled Titus Livius: Dal is I de Roemsche historie oft Gesten … nu eerstmael in onser Nederlantscher spraken ghedruckt (Antwerp, 1541).Google Scholar

8. Van den Branden, p. 14.Google Scholar

9. See Dibbets, G. R. W., “Grammaticale geschriften uit de zestiende eeuw,” in Geschwdenis van de Nederlandse taalkunde, ed. Bakker, D. M. and Dibbets, G. R. W. (Den Bosch, 1977), p. 24;Google Scholarvan den Branden, pp. 16“17.Google Scholar

10. Dibbets, “Grammaticale geschriften,” p. 27.Google Scholar

11. Coornhert's contributions to the creation of a standard Dutch are detailed by van den Branden, pp. 68–92.Google ScholarSee also Bonger, H., Leven en werk van D. V. Coornhert (Amsterdam, 1978).Google Scholar

12. Kleyn-Munster, Coornhert. Des Groot roemighen David Jorisens roemryke ende wonderbare schnften elckerlijck tot een proeve voor ghestelt to Dirch Volckharts Coornhert (n.p., 1590), available in Coornhert, Wercken, 3 vols. (Amsterdam, 1630).Google ScholarCoornhert's list of Joris's writings includes the Een dialogus of twee-spraeck tusschen Peter unde Jan and Vande vreemde tonghen ende talen discussed below.Google Scholar

13. “Coornhert Kleyn-Munster,” Wercken, vol. 2, fol. 50r, fol. 40v.Google Scholar

14. In the foreword to The Wonder Book, probably completed by 1542, Joris explained why he wrote it in the vernacular: “Waertoe ende om ick (in platten nederlande/ soe datt sijn moest/ van Gs. ghenaden opghewect) vrylick gheschreuen/ all ist in ongheleerder spraecken/ mijn Boeck wt gherechter duecht aen den dach gegeuen hebbe” (For this reason I have freely written [in low Netherlands, so that it must be awakened by God's grace] it all in an unlearned language, [and] from true virtue have brought forth my book into the daylight): Joris, Twonder Boeck, (Deventer: Dirck van Borne, n.d.), p. iii r. That he could write in no other language might also have played a role in his choice.Google Scholar

15. Frans, Claes, “Studie van de Eigen Nederlandse Taal,” in Antwerpen in de XVlde Eeuw, ed. by Walter, Couvreur (Antwerp, 1975), pp. 301–319.Google Scholar

16. “David Joris sonderbare Lebensbeschreibung aus einem manuscripto,” in Gottfried, Arnold, Unparteiische Kirchen- und Ketzerhistorie, 4 vols. (Frankfurt, 1729; reprint Hildesheim, 1967), p. 704.Google Scholar

17. Joris, Een salighe Leeringe voor die hongherighe bekommerde Zielen (n.p., n.d. [1616]), fols. 117v–118r. The tract probably dates to shortly after Joris's 1538 meeting with Dutch Anabaptists in Strasbourg.Google ScholarSee Gary, K. Waite, “Writing in the Heavenly Language: a Guide to the Works of David Joris,” forthcoming in Renaissance and Reformation/Renaissance et Réforme.Google Scholar

18. Joris, , Een salighe Leeringe, fol. 118r.Google Scholar

19. These scholars most notably included Heinrich van Schor (who became his personal secretary) and Nicolaas Meyndertsz van Blesdijk.Google ScholarSee Waite, , David Joris, pp. 163, 181–184.Google Scholar

20. Apparently Joris had some of his tracts published by the Antwerp printer Adraien van Berghen, who was banned from Antwerp in January 1536 and executed in 1542 for his actions.Google ScholarSee Paul, Valkema Blouw, “David Joris en zijn Drukkers: Prolegomena tot een bibliografie van zijn werken,” forthcoming in Quaerendo.Google Scholar

21. He also predicts that these proud teachers “voor een ongeleert simpel Man haer Croone ter neder werpen / haer mont int stoff setten / vnd te schanden kommen solden” (will cast down their crowns before an unlearned, simple man, place their mouths in the dust and come to shame): Joris, Ernstelijcke Klage aen alle Ouericheden (n.p., 1544, reprint around 1582), fol. 3r. Joris probably intended this “unlearned, simple man” to be himself.Google Scholar

22. Ibid., fol. 3v. I am grateful to José Bouman of the Bibliotheca Philosophica Hermetica, Amsterdam, for her kind assistance while I perused this volume of Joris's tracts.

23. Joris, Van die Vreemde Toughen of Talen der Menschen (n.p., 1545), fol. 6r.Google Scholar

24. Menno, Simons, “The Incarnation of Our Lord,” in Wenger, John C., ed. The Complete Writings of Menno Simons c. 1496–1561, trans, by Verduin, Leonard (Scottdale, Penn., 1956), p. 790.Google Scholar

25. Even less on the subject can be found in the collected works of Menno's associate, Dirk Philips. See Cramer, S. and Pijper, F., eds., Bibliotheca Reformatoria Neerlandica, vol. 10, De geschriften van Dirk Philipsz (The Hague, 1914).Google Scholar

26. He also noted that Latin was commonly viewed as a “valuable, highly regarded language,” Greek as “a learned tongue,” and Hebrew as divine (Ernstelijcke Klage, fol. 9r). But Joris disputes in particular the divine character of Hebrew: “Dan nv vermach dat geen wterlijcke Tonge oder Lit des Menschen / hoewel sulcks voortyden die Hebreeren toegelecht is / den tytel daer van gevuert” (But now note that no outward Tongue or member of mankind bears the title, although such was previously ascribed to Hebrew): Joris, Van die Vreemde Tonghen, fol. 6v).Google Scholar He then argues that the “spraecke des Gheests / dat Woort des waren verstandts heeft hy niet alleen den Joden / maer alle spraecken ghemeen ghemaeckt” (he has given the language of the Spirit, the Word of true understanding, not only to the Jews, but he has made all languages common): ibid., fol. 9r.

27. Joris, , Van die Vreemde Tonghen, fol. 5r; fol. lOr.Google Scholar

28. Joris, , EenDialogus ofTweespraecktusschenPetervndejantwee Godtlijcke gheleerde welspreeckende verstandige Mannen (n.p., n.d.), fol. 3v; fol. 4r.Google Scholar

29. Ibid.In Ernestelijcke Klage, Joris spoke of his concept of true spiritual knowledge: “Hier is een meerder hoogher kentenisse / een waerachtigher wetenheyt / een Heyliger beter spraeck / verde beter dan Hebreusch / Griecks of Latijn is” (Here is a much higher knowledge, a more certain learning, a more holy, better language, far better than Hebrew, Greek, or Latin): fol. 22r.

30. Joris, , “Refereyn tot Lof des Nederlandts unde der Duytscher Spraecke / met sijn Liedeken” and “Van die duydelijcke Duytsche Spraecke,” in Een Geestelijck Liedt-Boecxken, Mennonite Songbooks, Dutch Series 1 (Amsterdam: Fritz Knuf, n.d.), fols. 85v–92v.Google ScholarMy earlier contention that these songs dated to Joris's early reform period (1524–1533) is probably incorrect. See Waite, David Joris, p. 54.Google Scholar

31. Joris, , “Refereyn tot Lof des Nederlandts,” fols. 89v–90r.Google Scholar

32. In The Wonder Book Joris affirmed his belief that the Netherlands was the location of the kingdom of God: “Int Norden staet Gs. Rustplaetze off Bedtstat / sijn Altaer ende H. wooninge: Want van aldaer heeft hy willen beginnen / verstaet end in eynden: Namelick / van Midtnacht. Hier wt is den Berch Zyon vant Noorden int aensien so frayen playstanten landt: … den dach / die volcomen schoonheyt wt te verwachten / dat is / wt eenen donckeren hoeck. … Want hier in den Midtnachschen nederlande (verstant) heeft die Geest des HEREN willen rusten/ wie verstaet dat?” (In the north stands God's resting place or bed, his altar and holy dwelling. For from there he will begin understand and end, namely, from midnight. Here is the Mount Zion of the North, in appearance a beautiful, pleasant land … expect the day in its perfect beauty, that is, from a dark corner… For here in the midnight Netherlands [understand] will the Spirit of the Lord rest; who understands this?) Part 2, fol. 26v.Google Scholar

33. Simon, Schama, The Embarrassment of Riches (London, 1987), pp. 34–35.Google Scholar

34. The style of rhetorician refrains is discussed by Reinder, P. Meijer, Literature of the Low Countries (Assen, 1971), p. 52.Google ScholarSee also Dirk, Coigneau, Refreinen in het Zotte bij de Rederijkers, 3 vols. (Ghent, 1980), 1:9 and following.Google Scholar

35. See Gary, K. Waite, “Popular Drama and Radical Religion: The Chambers of Rhetoric and Anabaptism in the Netherlands,” Mennonite Quarterly Review 65 (1991): 227–255, esp. 245–249.Google Scholar

36. Sebastian, Franck, Chronica Zeytbuoch und geschychtbibel (Strasbourg, 1531). The first known Dutch edition was in 1549.Google ScholarSee Christoph, Dejung, Wahrheit und Häresie. Eine Untersuchung zur Geschichtsphilosophie bet Sebastian Franck (Zürich, 1980), p. 270.Google Scholar

37. “Een speel te speelen in tyden van oorloghe van Moortdadich Werck en manhatighe tanden” (Brussels, Koninklijke Bibliotheek no. 21648), fols. 17r–18r.Google ScholarSee Gary, K. Waite, “Vernacular Drama and the Early Urban Reformation: The Chambers of Rhetoric in Amsterdam, 1520–1555,” Journal of Medieval and Renaissance Studies 21 (1991): 187–206.Google Scholar

38. For a brief overview of the chambers in Antwerp, see Waite, “Popular Drama,” pp. 231–235.Google Scholar

39. See Waite, , “Literary Legacy,” pp. 183–188.Google Scholar

40. Another of the songs in the Songbook, “lck hoorde die Basuyne blasen” (fols. 80v–85r), appeared in a Reformed songbook of 1556. Written by a close associate of Joris, Anna Jans, this is one of the most vividly apocalyptical songs in the collection.Google ScholarSee Werner, O. Packull, “Anna Jansz of Rotterdam, a Historical Investigation of an Early Anabaptis Heroine,” Archiv für Reformationsgeschichte 78 (1987): 147–173.Google Scholar

41. James, M. Stayer, “Davidite vs. Mennonite,” Mennonite Quarterly Review 58 (1984): 462.Google Scholar

42. “Aen den God-meenenden Leser,” at the conclusion of Joris, Alle Vaten siet men wtgeven wal sy in-hebben: Neemt het ter herten (1556, n.p.; reprint 1610), fol. 58v.Google Scholar