¹ Genesis 21:9–13, NRSV.

² Simonsohn, Shlomo, The Apostolic See and the Jews: Documents 492–1404, Studies and Texts 94 (Toronto: Pontifical Institute of Medieval Studies, 1988), 82–83Google Scholar, 86–88; and Grayzel, Solomon, The Church and the Jews in the XIIIth Century (New York: Hermon, 1966), 104–108Google Scholar. The text of both letters is now accessible electronically through RELMIN: Le statut légal des minorités religieuses dans l'espace euro-méditerranéen (Ve-XVe siècles), Pope Innocent III, Etsi Judaeos, http://www.cn-telma.fr/relmin/extrait30352/; Etsi non displiceat Domino, http://www.cn-telma.fr/relmin/extrait30385/. Peter de Corbeil was Archbishop of Sens at that time, and Odo de Sully Bishop of Paris.

³ For a recent treatment of Paul's allegory, see Hogeterp, Albert L. A., “Hagar and Paul's Covenant Thought,” in Abraham, the Nations, and the Hagarites, eds. Goodman, Martin, van Kooten, George and van Ruiten, Jacques (Leiden: Brill, 2010), 345–360CrossRefGoogle Scholar. On Paul's rhetorical engagement with Jewish scripture, see Mitchell, Margaret Mary, Paul, the Corinthians, and the Birth of Christian Hermeneutics (New York: Cambridge University, 2010)Google Scholar. Paul's thought on the continued relevance of Jewish law is complex, and the Galatians allegory should not be read in isolation. See Hodge, Caroline E. Johnson, If Sons, Then Heirs: A Study of Kinship and Ethnicity in the Letters of Paul (New York: Oxford University, 2007)CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Stowers, Stanley K., A Rereading of Romans: Justice, Jews, and Gentiles (New Haven, Conn.: Yale University, 1994)Google Scholar; and Gager, John G., Reinventing Paul (New York: Oxford University, 2000)Google Scholar. On medieval readings of Galatians see Levy, Ian Christopher, The Letter to Galatians (Grand Rapids, Mich.: Eerdmans, 2011).Google Scholar

⁴ Oldradus de Ponte, Consilium 87 in Jews and Saracens in the Consilia of Oldradus De Ponte, ed. Zacour, Norman P. (Toronto: Pontifical Institute of Medieval Studies, 1990), 54–58Google Scholar, 83–85.

⁵ On Jews and canon law, see Blumenkranz, Bernard, “‘Iudaeorum Convivia': à propos du Concile De Vannes (465),” in Études d'histoire du droit canonique dédiées à Gabriel Le Bras II (Paris: Sirey, 1958), 1055–1058Google Scholar; Pakter, Walter, Medieval Canon Law and the Jews, Abhandlungen Zur Rechtswissenschaftlichen Grundlagenforschungen 68 (Ebelsbach: R. Gremer, 1988)Google Scholar; Simonsohn, The Apostolic See and the Jews; Grayzel, Church and the Jews in the XIIIth Century; and Kedar, Benjamin Z., “De Iudeis et Sarracenis: On the Categorization of Muslims in Medieval Canon Law,” in Studia in honorem eminentissimi cardinalis Alphonsi M. Stickler, ed. Lara, Rosalio Joseph Castillo, Pontificia studiorum universitas salesiana: Studia et textus historiae iuris canonici 7 (Rome: LAS, 1992), 207–213.Google Scholar

⁶ Cf. Sara Lipton's discussion of the way a new sort of visual depiction of the Jew in the thirteenth-century Bible moralisée both creates and is created by changes in the social realities of Christian-Jewish encounter. Lipton, Images of Intolerance: The Representation of Jews and Judaism in the Bible moralisée (Berkeley: University of California, 1999).Google Scholar

⁷ Augustine of Hippo, Contra Faustum, Book 12, Corpus Scriptorum Ecclesiasticorum Latinorum, vol. 25, ed. Joseph Zycha (Vienna: F. Tempsky, 1892). See the discussion in Fredriksen, Paula, Augustine and the Jews: A Christian Defense of Jews and Judaism (New Haven, Conn.: Yale University, 2010), 260–289.Google Scholar

⁸ Reinhartz, Adele and Walfish, Miriam, “Conflict and Coexistence in Jewish Interpretation,” in Sarah, Hagar, and Their Children: Jewish, Christian, and Muslim Perspectives, ed. Trible, Phyllis and Russell, Letty M. (Louisville, Ky.: Westminster John Knox, 2006), 101–126.Google Scholar

⁹ Flavius Josephus, Judean Antiquities 1.186–93; 213–19. The translation here is by William Whiston, A.M., Josephus, Flavius, The Works of Flavius Josephus (Auburn, N.Y.: John E. Beardsley, 1895)Google Scholar, http://data.perseus.org/citations/urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0526.tlg001.perseus-eng1:1.1. The B. Niese edition of the Greek text is also available online: http://data.perseus.org/citations/urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0526.tlg001.perseus-grc1:1.1. See also Reinhartz and Walfish, “Conflict and Coexistence,” 102–103; Birgit Van der Lans, “Hagar, Ishmael, and Abraham's Household in Josephus's Antiquitates Iudaicae,” in Abraham, the Nations, and the Hagarites, 185–199; and Millar, Fergus, “Hagar, Ishmael, and the Origins of Islam,” Journal of Jewish Studies 44, no. 1 (April 1993): 23–45.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

¹⁰ Josephus, Antiquities, 1.220–221. Erich Gruen finds that the identification of Arab tribes with the biblical Ishmael predates Josephus by at least 150 years. Gruen, Rethinking the Other in Antiquity (Princeton, N.J.: Princeton University, 2011), 300–301.Google Scholar

¹¹ Josephus, Antiquities, 2.32.

¹² See the treatment of this material in Reinhartz and Walfish, “Conflict and Coexistence” and Baskin, Judith, Midrashic Women: Formations of the Feminine in Rabbinic Literature (Hanover, N.H.: University Press of New England for Brandeis University, 2002), 150–154.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

¹³ See, for example, Genesis Rabbah 53:11.

¹⁴ Bakhos, Carol, Ishmael on the Border: Rabbinic Portrayals of the First Arab (Albany: State University of New York, 2006).CrossRefGoogle Scholar

¹⁵ See Yuval, Israel Jacob, Two Nations in Your Womb: Perceptions of Jews and Christians in Late Antiquity and the Middle Ages (Berkeley: University of California, 2006).Google Scholar

¹⁶ Bakhos, Ishmael on the Border, 2–3. Bakhos points out that the transformation of Jewish depictions of Ishmael during this period parallels the fate of Esau as symbol of Roman and then Christian power. The more closely allied these biblical figures become with (oppressive) ruling powers, the more negative their depiction in rabbinic interpretation.

¹⁷ Translation from Gordon Darnell Newby, trans., ed., The Making of the Last Prophet. A Reconstruction of the Earliest Biography of Muhammad (Charleston: University of South Carolina, 1989), 73–74Google Scholar. For a more elaborate version of the narrative, see the ninth-century Hadith collection of Abu Abdallah Muhammad ibn Isma'il al-Bukhari (810–870), 4: 583. On Islamic engagement with the narratives of Sarah and Hagar, see also Stowasser, Barbara Freyer, Women in the Qur'an, Traditions, and Interpretation (New York: Oxford University, 1994), 43–49.Google Scholar

¹⁸ For a helpful survey of Christian interpretations of Hagar, see Thompson, John L., Writing the Wrongs: Women of the Old Testament among Biblical Commentators from Philo through the Reformation (New York: Oxford University, 2001), 17–99CrossRefGoogle Scholar; and Elizabeth Clark, “Interpretive Fate among the Church Fathers,” in Hagar, Sarah, and Their Children, 127–147.

¹⁹ Galatians 4:22–31, Douai-Rheims translation of the medieval Latin Vulgate Bible.

²⁰ See Hodge, If Sons, Then Heirs.

²¹ Mitchell, Paul, the Corinthians, 2. The question of “naming” non-literal reading that Mitchell mentions here has been the subject of considerable scholarly debate. For a helpful discussion of the debate over distinctions between allegory, typology and figural or figurative reading, see Martens, Peter W., “Revisiting the Allegory/Typology Distinction: The Case of Origen,” Journal of Early Christian Studies 16, no. 3 (Fall 2008): 283–317CrossRefGoogle Scholar. For the purpose of this discussion, I follow Henri de Lubac and use the term “allegory” broadly, as medieval Christian exegetes themselves did. Henri de Lubac, Exégèse médiévale: Les quatre sens de l'Écriture, 4 vols. (Paris: Aubier, 1959–1964)Google Scholar, trans. Sebanc, Mark and Macierowski, E. M., Medieval Exegesis: The Four Senses of Scripture, 3 vols. (Grand Rapids, Mich.: Eerdmans, 1998–2009).Google Scholar

²² 2 Cor 3:16: “Indeed, to this very day whenever Moses is read, a veil lies over their minds; but when one turns to the Lord, the veil is removed.” (NRSV)

²³ Origen, Homilies on Genesis and Exodus, trans. Heine, Ronald E. (Washington, D.C.: Catholic University of America, 1982)Google Scholar, 134.

²⁴ Origen, Homilies on Genesis, 134–315.

²⁵ The Greek Septuagint translation of Hebrew scripture was made between 300–200 BCE in Egypt for the use of diaspora Jews. It often engages intentionally in word play as an interpretive strategy in translation and reflects the concerns of late second-Temple Jewish tradition.

²⁶ See Rompay, Lucas Van, “Antiochene Biblical Interpretation: Greek and Syriac,” in The Book of Genesis in Jewish and Oriental Christian Interpretation: A Collection of Essays, eds. Frishman, J. and Van Rompay, L. (Louvain: Peeters, 1997), 103–124Google Scholar: “It should be noted that most Greek Antiochene commentators view neither the episode of Hagar and Ismael's expulsion from Abraham's house (Gen. 21:8–21) nor that of Esau's rejection (Gen. 25:23) as an indication of the predominance of Christianity over Judaism, and say nothing about Paul's interpretation of these passages” (121). Theodore of Mopsuestia (c. 350–428) discouraged the reading of Paul's allegory backward into Genesis, as he warned against the embrace of allegory disconnected from history. See the discussion of this in Young, Frances M., Biblical Exegesis and the Formation of Christian Culture (New York: Cambridge University, 1997), 179–182CrossRefGoogle Scholar. Outside of the Antiochene school, it seems John Chrysostom was more interested in using the relationships between Abraham, Sarah, and Hagar described in Genesis to teach about proper marital relations than to discuss the relationship between Christianity and Judaism, although the latter subject was a matter of considerable concern to him and he did discuss the relationship between Christianity and Judaism in his commentary on Galatians. See Elizabeth Clark, “Interpretive Fate amid the Church Fathers,” 135–136.

²⁷ Tolan, John, Saracens: Islam in the Medieval European Imagination (New York: Columbia University, 2002), 40–41Google Scholar; 51–52. On the assignment of biblical identities to Arab people, see Anthony Hilhorst, “Ishmaelites, Hagarenes, Saracens,” in Abraham, the Nations, and the Hagarites, 421–434.

²⁸ Tolan, Saracens, 10–11.

²⁹ Patrologia latina. ed. Migne, J.-P.. 217 vols. (Paris, 1844–1864)Google Scholar, 116:210 [hereafter PL]. Haimo of Auxerre's commentary on Galatians, like much of his other work, circulated under the name of his rough contemporary Haimo of Halberstadt and appears in the PL under that name (vols. 116–118). See Levy, Ian Christopher, The Letter to the Galatians (Grand Rapids, Mich.: Eerdmans, 2011), 37–44Google Scholar. Haimo's Genesis commentary circulated under the name of Remigius of Auxerre, Expositio super Genesim, PL 131. See Edwards, Burton Van Name, “In Search of the Authentic Commentary on Genesis by Remigius of Auxerre,” in L'école carolingienne d'Auxerre: de Murethach à Rémi, 830–908 (Paris: Beauchesne, 1991), 399–412Google Scholar; and Van Name Edwards, “The Two Commentaries on Genesis Attributed to Remigius of Auxerre; with a Critical Edition of Stegmüller 7195” (Ph.D. diss., University of Pennsylvania, 1990), 125–156.

³⁰ Kenneth B. Wolf, “Chronica prophetica,” in Medieval Texts in Translation, 2008, https://sites.google.com/site/canilup/chronica_prophetica. For more on the idea of Muslims as a scourge sent by God, see Tolan, Saracens.

³¹ For a discussion of this genealogy as polemic, see Williams, John, “Generationes Abrahae: Reconquest Iconography in Leon,” Gesta 16, no. 2 (1977): 3–14CrossRefGoogle Scholar and Martin, Therese, Queen as King: Politics and Architectural Propaganda in Twelfth-Century Spain (Leiden: Brill, 2006)CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

³² Williams, “Generationes Abrahae,” 8. A spate of recent research reconsiders Williams's interpretation of the stance of the figure to Ishmael's side, but not in a way that convincingly disrupts the identification of the figure with Hagar.

³³ Hanson, Richard P. C., Allegory and Event: A Study of the Sources and Significance of Origen's Interpretation of Scripture (Richmond, Va.: Westminster John Knox, 2002)Google Scholar and de Lubac, Henri, Histoire et esprit: l'intelligence de l'Écriture d'après Origène (Paris: Aubier, 1950)Google Scholar, trans. Nash, Anne Englund with Merriell, Juvenal, History and Spirit: The Understanding of Scripture according to Origen (San Francisco: Ignatius, 2007)Google Scholar. John Cassian's discussion of the fourfold sense of scripture and his exegesis of Jerusalem as an example (which became the standard example in the Latin tradition) is found in Conlationes, XIV.8.1–4. See Petschenig, M., ed., Johannis Cassiani Conlationes XXIIII, in J. Cassiani Opera 2, Corpus scriptorum ecclesiastoricorum Latinorum, 13 (Vienna: Tempsky, 1886), 404–405Google Scholar. The context for Cassian's discussion is Paul's allegory of Sarah and Hagar as heavenly and earthly Jerusalem.

³⁴ de Lubac, Medieval Exegesis I, 132. On Gregory, see Straw, Carole, Gregory the Great: Perfection in Imperfection (Berkeley: University of California, 1988)Google Scholar; Markus, R. A., Gregory the Great and His World (New York: Cambridge University, 1997)CrossRefGoogle Scholar; and DelCogliano, Mark, trans. and ed., Gregory the Great on the Song of Songs, Cistercian Studies Series 244 (Collegeville, Minn.: Liturgical Press, 2012).Google Scholar

³⁵ It is telling that in the excellent collection of essays edited by Susan Boynton and Diane Reilly on engagement with the Bible in medieval culture, biblical exegesis from antiquity through the twelfth century is treated as a single unit; see van Liere, Frans, “Biblical Exegesis Through the Twelfth Century,” in The Practice of the Bible in the Middle Ages: Production, Reception, and Performance in Western Christianity, eds. Boynton, Susan and Reilly, Diane (New York: Columbia University, 2011), 157–178Google Scholar. On changes in broader biblical culture during the early Middle Ages see The New Cambridge History of the Bible, Volume 2: From 600–1450, ed. Marsden, Richard and Matter, E. Ann (New York: Cambridge University, 2012)CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Evans, G. R., The Language and Logic of the Bible: The Earlier Middle Ages (New York: Cambridge University, 1984)CrossRefGoogle Scholar; and several of the essays in Boynton and Reilly, The Practice of the Bible in the Middle Ages, especially chapters 2–4.

³⁶ I do not mean to minimize the importance of the adaptation of earlier exegetical standards in the Glossa ordinaria, only to say that in terms of hermeneutics and interpretation of the senses of scripture, the Gloss adheres closely to the ancient and earlier medieval sources that it cites. For a good introduction to the Glossa ordinaria—its development in the late eleventh and early twelfth centuries and its dissemination and use throughout the Middle Ages—see Smith, Lesley, The Glossa ordinaria: The Making of a Medieval Bible Commentary (Leiden: Brill, 2009)CrossRefGoogle Scholar. For a good sense of how subtle innovations in the Gloss communicated a new scholastic set of values, see Lavere, Suzanne, “From Contemplation to Action: The Role of the Active Life in the ‘Glossa ordinaria’ on the Song of Songs,” Speculum 82, no. 1 (January 2007): 54–69.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

³⁷ “Quod vero errat Agar in solitudine cum filio suo, significat synagogam cum populo suo expulsam de terra sua, sine sacerdotio et sacrificio in toto orbe errare, et viam, quae est Christus, penitus ignorare.” Dulaey, Martine and Gorman, Michael M, eds., Isidorus Episcopus Hispalensis: Expositio in Vetus Testamentum: Genesis (Freiburg im Breisgau: Herder, 2009)Google Scholar, 55.

³⁸ “ . . . quandiu Judaei ancillae filii volunt esse, et filium liberae persequi, hoc est, quandiu legi volunt esse subjecti in circumcisione et sacrificiis legalibus, non credentes se per passionem Christi posse salvari, et quandiu nos volunt persequi qui jam sumus liberi effecti ab haereditate Ecclesiae repellendi sunt.” Haimo of Auxerre, In Epistolam ad Galatas, PL 117:690. A complete translation into English of Haimo's Galatians commentary is available in Levy, Galatians, 79–130.

³⁹ For a comparison of Jerome's interpretation with contemporary Jewish texts, see Hayward, Robert, Targums and the Transmission of Scripture into Judaism and Christianity (Leiden: Brill, 2010), 118–120.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

⁴⁰ “Allegorice hae duae mulieres, exponente Apostolo Synagogam et Ecclesiam significant. Agar quidem synagogam quae in servitutem generat populum judaeorum qui feri sunt et agrestes, jugum Domini leve et fidem ejus nolentes recipere, ideoque dispersi, et vagabundi sunt per totum orbem et omnibus maxime Christianis contrarii. Sara vero Ecclesiam quae primum sterilis et infecunda fuit, postea vero in libertatem fidei et gratiae plebem catholicam generavit.” Haimo of Auxerre, Expositio in Genesim, PL 131:87.

⁴¹ “Verba mea. Titulus: In finem pro ea quae consequitur haereditatem. [Rem.] Titulus hujus psalmi historiae Genesis alludit, ubi legitur quod Abraham duos filios habuit, unum quidem de ancilla Agar, scilicet Ismaelem; alterum vero de libera Sara, scilicet Isaac. Ismael vero major natu persequebatur Isaac, dum luderet cum eo. Intelligens ergo Sara ludum Ismaelis cum Isaac persecutionem esse, dixit viro suo: Ejice ancillam et filium ejus de domo. Ejecta itaque est ancilla de domo cum filio, et libera cum filio haereditatem obtinuit. Ad hanc historiam videtur respicere titulus, cui etiam quaedam verba psalmi alludunt. Verum non de historia, imo de significato agitur hoc psalmo. Libera enim Sara, quae non secundum naturam, sed per Dei gratiam peperit, ecclesiam significat, quae filios spirituales Deo generat, non vi carnis, sed gratia Dei. Ancilla significat synagogam, quae pro temporalibus servit; et totum corpus malorum, qui fecundi et terrenis abundantes persequuntur ecclesiam et filios ejus tormentis et illusionibus: quae tamen consequitur haereditatem aeternam, illis exclusis.” Peter Lombard, Commentarius super Psalmos, PL 191:93. On Peter Lombard's approach to the Psalms, see Colish, Marcia, “Psalterium Scholasticorum: Peter Lombard and the Emergence of Scholastic Psalms Exegesis,” Speculum 67, no. 3 (July 1992): 531–548.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

⁴² “In hoc psalmo figurate intelligitur quod olim historialiter est actum in Sara et Agar, una libera, altera ancilla: libera cum filio haereditatem accepit. Agar ancilla cum filio haereditate privata est. Per Saram liberam et filium ejus catholica significatur Ecclesia: per Agar ancillam et filium ejus ecclesia malignantium, falsorum Christianorum et haereticorum significatur . . . Neque injusti, id est, operarii iniquitatis, scilicet Judaei, haeretici et alii falsi Christiani . . . odisti: quia qui odit aliquid vel ab eo recedit, vel a se illud separat, sic et Deus impios, non quod odium sit in eo. Potest et sic accipi ut per malignum universaliter accipiamus omnem iniquum sive paganum, sive Judaeum, sive falsum Christianum, qui omnes quasi unus sunt in iniquitate . . .” Remigius of Auxerre, Ennaratio in Psalmos, PL 131:166–168.

⁴³ “Agar terrenam hierusalem significat in qua vetus lex carnaliter et serviliter exercebatur. Sara vero gratiam novum testamentum que cives superne ierusalem liberos parit . . . Rab. Mystice. Hec due mulieres sunt duo testamenta: Agar vetus quid in synagoga iudaicum populum servituti nutriebat obnoxium. Sara novum quid populum christianum in libertatem fidei generavit . . .” Biblia Latina cum Glossa Ordinaria, 4 vols. Strassburg, 1480/1481, facsimile ed. Froehlich, Karlfried and Gibson, Margaret (Turnhout: Brepols, 1992).Google Scholar

⁴⁴ “In monte Sina. Talis loci mentione Apostolus significat quod Judaei contra gentes essent superbi de mandato, vel ipsi essent superbi et tumidi contra ipsum mandatum, quod est Agar, id est, significatur per Agar. Agar enim alienatio, quia alienata ab haereditate.” Ibid.

⁴⁵ The classic work on the transformation of Bible study during this period is Smalley, Beryl, The Study of the Bible in the Middle Ages, 3rd ed. (Oxford: Basil Blackwell, 1983)Google Scholar. See also de Lubac, Medieval Exegesis, and Robert E. Lerner, ed., with Müller-Luckner, Elisabeth, Neue Richtungen in der hoch- und spätmittelalterlichen Bibelexegese, Schriften des Historischen Kollegs Kolloquien 32 (Munich: R. Oldenbourg, 1996).Google Scholar

⁴⁶ For a helpful summary of developments in Jewish biblical interpretation during the same time frame explored by van Liere (note 34 above) see Harris, Robert A., “Jewish Biblical Exegesis from Its Beginnings to the Twelfth Century,” The New Cambridge History of the Bible, eds. Marsden, Richard and Matter, E. Ann, vol. II 600–1450 (New York: Cambridge University, 2012), 596–615.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

⁴⁷ On the role of Jewish biblical interpretation in Christian literal exegesis, see Smalley, Study of the Bible; Hailperin, Herman, Rashi and the Christian Scholars (Pittsburgh, Penn.: University of Pittsburgh, 1963)Google Scholar; and Klepper, Deeana Copeland, The Insight of Unbelievers: Nicholas of Lyra and Christian Reading of Jewish Text in the Later Middle Ages (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania, 2007).CrossRefGoogle Scholar

⁴⁸ This poem seems to have originated with a Dominican friar, Augustine of Dacia (d. 1282), around 1260; Nicholas of Lyra employed it repeatedly in his fourteenth-century commentaries, with the last line reading instead “quo tendas anagogia,” [analogy is where you should aim]. See de Lubac, Medieval Exegesis I, 1–2.

⁴⁹ Victore, Andreae de SanctoOpera I in Expositionem super heptateuchum, eds. Lohr, Charles and Berndt, Rainer, Corpus Christianorum Continuatio Mediaevalis LIII (Turnhout: Brepols, 1986), 63–71.Google Scholar

⁵⁰ Peter Comester, Historia scholastica in PL 198:1096–97; 1103–04. For a recent treatment of Peter's use of Jewish sources in the Historia scholastica, see Geiger, Ari, “Historia Judaica: Peter Comestor and His Jewish Sources,” in Pierre le Mangeur ou Pierre de Troyes: Maître de XIIe Siècle, ed. Dahan, Gilbert, Bibliothèque d'histoire culturelle du moyen âge 12 (Turnhout: Brepols, 2013), 125–145.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

⁵¹ Nicholas of Lyra, Postilla super totam bibliam (Strassburg 1492; facsimile repr. Frankfurt am Main: Minverva, 1971)Google Scholar, Psalm 5. On Nicholas's approach to Psalms traditionally read Christologically, see Gross-Diaz, Theresa, “What's a Good Soldier to Do? Nicholas of Lyra on the Psalms,” Nicholas of Lyra: The Senses of Scripture, eds. Krey, Philip and Smith, Lesley (Leiden: Brill, 2000), 111–128.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

⁵² Nicholas of Lyra, Postilla super totam bibliam, Epistle to the Galatians 4:23.

⁵³ On the paradox of Nicholas's popularity, see Krey, Philip, “Many Readers But Few Followers: The Fate of Nicholas of Lyra's ‘Apocalypse Commentary’ in the Hands of His Late-Medieval Admirers,” Church History 64, no. 2 (June 1995): 185–201.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

⁵⁴ On changing theories of authorship and biblical interpretation, see Minnis, A. J., Medieval Theory of Authorship: Scholastic Literary Attitudes in the Later Middle Ages (London: Scolar Press, 1984)Google Scholar and Ocker, Christopher, Biblical Poetics before Humanism and Reformation (New York: Cambridge University, 2002).Google Scholar

⁵⁵ “Hic erit ferus homo vel rusticus secundum alios. Hieron. In Hebraeo habetur, phara, quod interpretatur onager, significat semen eius habitaturum in deserto, id est Sarracenos vagos . . . Manus eius contra omnes Hoc non in ipso, sed in suis posteris completum est.” Hugh of St. Cher, Postilla super Genesim. Cap. XVI, ed. Pezzana, N. (Venice, 1703)Google Scholar, http://postille.glossae.net/index.php.

⁵⁶ “Quia Isaac octavo die circumcisus est, inde omnes Judaei octavo die circumcidunt filios suos. Sed quia Ismael tredecim annorum erat quando circumcisus fuit, ideo Arabes, qui ex eo processerunt, toto tempore circumcidunt.” Ibid, Cap. XXI. This awareness of the Arab tradition of circumcision at thirteen goes back to Josephus, before the rise of Islam, and appears periodically in Christian commentaries.

⁵⁷ “Haec sunt accepta summatim de Genesis. Et est hic argumentum, quod argumentum non sumitur semper ex verbis historiae, sed summatim.” Hugh of St. Cher, Postilla super Galatas, Cap. IV.

⁵⁸ “In finem pro ea, quae consequitur haereditatem. Legitur Gen. 21 quod Abraham habuit filium Isaac de libera Sara: Habuit et Ismael de ancilla Agar. Filius ancillae persequebatur filium liberae. In qua persecutione Sara intellexit spirtualem persecutionem, et dixit: Eiice ancillam, et filium eius, non enim haeres erit filius ancillae cum filio meo Isaac. Per ancillam, et filium suum intelligitur Synagoga, quae Ecclesiam persequitur, quae non est consecuta haereditatem Sacrae scripturae.” Hugh of St. Cher, Postilla super Psalmos, Cap. V.

⁵⁹ “Potest ergo hic Psalmus referri ad hoc: quod populus Judaeorum secundum figuram consequebatur hereditatem promissam Abrahae, cujus erat caput David, et rex. Secundum mysterium vero populus Christianus: Gal. 4: nos autem, fratres, secundum Isaac promissionis filii sumus. Ergo Psalmus iste tendit in finem, idest in Christum quem laudat pro ea, scilicet pro Ecclesia, quae consequitur hereditatem, reprobata synagoga.” Thomas Aquinas, Postilla super Psalmos, Cap. 5, http://www.corpusthomisticum.org/cps02.html.

⁶⁰ “ . . . per Agar ancillam Sarae designatur caro vel sensualitas quae est ancilla mentis, et scientia quae est ancilla sapientiae caelestis: et lex vetus quae est ancilla legis novae, et litera occidens quae est ancilla vivificantis gratiae; et Ecclesia activa quae est ancilla Ecclesiae contemplativae, et temporalia bona quae ancillantur spiritualibus bonis: et Ecclesia militans quae est ancilla triumphantis.” Peter Olivi, Postilla in libros Geneseos, http://www.corpusthomisticum.org/xgn12.html.

⁶¹ Vel per Abraham designatur Deus omnium pater, qui secundum exteriorem corticem signorum sive voluntatis, quae aliquando Dei voluntas in Scripturis vocatur, videtur esse durus ac difficilis ad ejiciendam ancillam et filium de domo sua, et quasi cum grandi difficultate et tarditate fuerunt rejectae legales ceremoniae et zelatores ipsarum. Peter Olivi, Postilla in libros Geneseos. On Olivi's exegesis, see Flood, David and Gál, Gedeon, eds. Peter of John Olivi On the Bible. Principia Quinque in Sacram Scripturam. Postilla in Isaiam et in I ad Corinthios. Appendix: quaestio de oboedientia et Sermones Duo de S. Francisco (St. Bonaventure, N.Y.: Franciscan Institute, 1997)Google Scholar. See also Flood, David, ed., Peter of John Olivi on Genesis (St. Bonaventure, N.Y.: Franciscan Institute, 2007).Google Scholar

⁶² Dialogus de laudibus sanctae crucis, Munich, Bayerische Staatsbibliothek MS CLM 14159 has been digitized and is available online: http://daten.digitale-sammlungen.de/0001/bsb00018415/images/; see the image of Hagar and Ishmael on fol. 1v; discussion of their expulsion in Genesis 21 on fol. 22r-22v. See Böckler, Albert, Die Regensburg-Prüfeninger Buchmalerei des 12. und 13. Jahrhunderts (Munich, 1924), 33–41Google Scholar; Hartle, Wolfgang, Text und Miniaturen der Handschrift Dialogus de Laudibus Sanctae Crucis (Hamburg: Verlag Dr. Kovac, 2007)Google Scholar; and the discussion of the manuscript by Holcomb, Melanie in Pen and Parchment: Drawing in the Middle Ages (New York: Metropolitan Museum of Art, 2009), 94–96.Google Scholar

⁶³ Ismahel iste tipus synagoge. Munich, Bayerisches Staatsbibliothek, Clm 14159, fol. 22v.

⁶⁴ On the depiction of Jews in the Bible moralisée, see Lipton, Images of Intolerance; and Bernhard Blumenkranz, “La représentation de Synagoga dans les Bibles moralisées françaises du XIIIe au XVe siècle,” Proceedings of the Israel Academy of Science and Humanities 5 (1970).

⁶⁵ Eleen, Luba, The Illustration of the Pauline Epistles in French and English Bibles of the Twelfth and Thirteenth Centuries (Oxford: Clarendon, 1982).Google Scholar

⁶⁶ Ms. Free Library of Philadelphia, Lewis E 185, fol. 34r. The manuscript was produced in Paris ca. 1225–1240.

⁶⁷ For a helpful introduction to the relationship between biblical text and the liturgy in the Middle Ages, see Susan Boynton, “The Bible and the Liturgy,” in The Practice of the Bible in the Middle Ages, 10–33.

⁶⁸ The Genesis narrative of Sarah and Hagar was not read as part of the annual cycle of readings, nor was the reference to Isaac and Ishmael, Jacob and Esau in Romans 9. The genealogical narrative was encountered liturgically through the Galatians allegory.

⁶⁹ “Abraham, inquiens, habuit duos filios, unum de ancilla, et unum de libera (Gal. 4). Sed ancilla cum filio suo ejicitur, libera cum filio suo haereditatem potitur. Per Abraham Deus Pater intelligitur, per Agar vetus lex, per Ismahel carnalis populus, per Saram nova lex, per Isaac Christianus populus, accipitur. Lex ergo carnaliter observata, cum Judaico populo haereditate Domini privatur. Ecclesia vero, sub gratia constituta, cum Christiano populo regno Dei ditatur . . . Sicut ergo Sara despicientem se Agar afflixit, et Ismahel ad mortis periculum Ysaac impellentem ejici jussit.” Homily, Dominica in media quadragesima, PL 172:893.

⁷⁰ “Sic anima, quae est domina, carnem, ancillam suam, se contemnentem jejuniis et vigiliis affligat. Filium ejus persequentem filium, id est carnale opus impediens spirituale, efficiat: herilem filium, id est bonum opus pariat qui gaudium haereditatis Domini capiat.” PL 172:893.

⁷¹ Bertrandus de Turre, Sermones quadragesimales epistolares Bertrandi (Strassburg, 1501), fols. 118v–124r. Digitized by the Bayerische Staatsbibliothek, Munich: http://daten.digitale-sammlungen.de/bsb00007352/image_240. There are many manuscript copies of Bertrand's sermons. I consulted Vatican City, Bibilioteca Apostolica Vaticana Vat. lat. MS 1241, fols. 90v–95v; Bibilioteca Apostolica Vaticana Vat. lat. 1242, fols. 133v–135r; Paris, BNF lat. 15387, fols. 104v-110v; and Paris, BNF Nouv. acq. lat. 1168, fols. 113v–116r. For readers' convenience, I cite here the digitized version. The material for Laetare Sunday is found on fols. 118v–124r.

⁷² “Et quoniam etiam de voluntate Saray duxit in uxorem Agar ancillam eius egyptiacam, genuitque ex ea Hysmahelem, de quo descenderunt arabes et saraceni. Et quoniam etiam deus cum eo fecit pactum de circumcisione. Et circumcidit seipsum cum esset nonaginta novem annorum. Et ysmahelem filium suum habentem tredeci annos, propter quod saraceni descendentes ab eo circumcidunt tredecimo anno.” Ibid., fol. 120v.

⁷³ Ibid., fol. 123r.

⁷⁴ Some manuscripts read “Jewish and gentile” here.

⁷⁵ “Ita synagoga et iudei et heretici eiecti sunt de ecclesia quantum ad societatem et veram libertatem, unde ait, Eijce ancillam, id est synagogam, et filium eius, id est, quemlibet iudeum . . . non enim erit heres filius ancille, id est iudeus filius synagoge, cum filio libere, id est cum christiano filio ecclesie.” Ibid., fol. 123v. Some manuscripts say only “synagoga et iudei,” leaving out heretics in this passage.

⁷⁶ “Quero an princeps possit sine peccato expellere iudeos et sarracenos de regno suo et eis bona auffeore et an pape possit precipere et persuadere principibus et primo videtur quod non.” Petrus Bertrandus, Apparatus sexti libri decretalium, Paris BNF lat. 4085, fols. 157v-159r. On Petrus's life and career, see Fournier, Paul, “Le Cardinal Pierre Bertrand, Canoniste,” Histoire Littéraire de la France 37 (Paris: Imprimerie Nationale, 1936), 85–125Google Scholar; on the Apparatus, 110–118. Fournier discusses the questions on Jews and Muslims at some length, apparently unaware that they are taken from Oldradus verbatim. Thanks to Rowan Dorin for bringing the Paris manuscript to my attention.

⁷⁷ Brown, Elizabeth A. R., “Philip V, Charles IV, and the Jews of France: The Alleged Expulsion of 1322,” Speculum 66, no. 2 (April 1991): 294–329Google Scholar and Nirenberg, David, Communities of Violence: Persecution of Minorities in the Middle Ages (Princeton, N.J.: Princeton University, 1996), 53–68Google Scholar.

⁷⁸ Innocent invoked Hagar as mother to Muslims in other contexts, as in his sermon at the opening of the Fourth Lateran Council: Innocent III, Between God and Man: Six Sermons on the Priestly Office, ed. and trans., Vause, Corinne J. (Washington, D.C.: Catholic University of America, 2004), 57–58Google Scholar. Elsewhere in his consilia, Oldradus likewise invokes Ishmael as father of the Saracens. See Zacour, Jews and Saracens.

⁷⁹ Synan, Edward A., The Popes and the Jews in the Middle Ages (New York: MacMillan, 1965)Google Scholar, 93.

⁸⁰ Stow, Kenneth, “The Avignonese Papacy and the Jews,” in From Witness to Witchcraft: Jews and Judaism in Medieval Christian Thought, ed. Cohen, Jeremy (Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz, 1997)Google Scholar, 282.

⁸¹ The opening words of the trial record quote extensively from Innocent: “Anno domini millesimo quadrigesimo secundo / die decimasexta mensis Februarii. Etsi judeos quos propria culpa submisit perpetuo servitute pietas Christiana sustinet cohabitationem illorum et recepiat jugeria tamen nobis esse non debent ut reddant Christianis pro gratiis contumeliam et et (sic) de familiaritate contemptum.” See Monica H. Green and Smail, Daniel Lord, “The Trial of Floreta d'Ays (1403): Jews, Christians, and Obstetrics in Later Medieval Marseille,” The Journal of Medieval History 34, no. 2 (June 2008): 185–211.Google Scholar

⁸² Schoenfeld, Devorah, Isaac On Jewish and Christian Altars: Polemic and Exegesis in Rashi and the Glossa Ordinaria (New York: Fordham University, 2012), 42–44.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

⁸³ The most thorough up to date treatment of Spanish Haggadah illumination is Kogman-Appel, Katrin, Illuminated Haggadot from Medieval Spain: Biblical Imagery And the Passover Holiday (University Park: Pennsylvania State University, 2006)Google Scholar.

⁸⁴ Epstein, Marc Michael, Dreams of Subversion in Medieval Jewish Art & Literature (University Park: Pennsylvania State University, 1997)Google Scholar; Epstein, Marc Michael, The Medieval Haggadah: Art, Narrative, and Religious Imagination (New Haven, Conn.: Yale University, 2011).Google Scholar

⁸⁵ Denys the Carthusian, Ennaratio in Job. As cited and translated by Ocker, Christopher in “Biblical Interpretation in the Middle Ages,” in Dictionary of Major Biblical Interpreters ed. McKim, Donald (Downers Grove, Ill.: InterVarsity, 2007)Google Scholar, 19.