1. Haskins, C. H., The Renaissance of the Twelfth Century (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1927).Google ScholarSee also Benson, Robert L. and Constable, Giles, eds., Renaissance and Renewal in the Twelfth Century (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1982);Google ScholarSouthern, Richard, The Making of the Middle Ages (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1953);Google Scholarand Stock, Brian, The Implications of Literacy: Written Language and Models of Interpretation in the Eleventh and Twelfth Centuries (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1983).Google Scholar

2. Moore, R. I., The Formation of a Persecuting Society: Power and Deviance in Western Europe, 950–1250 (Oxford: Blackwell, 1987).Google ScholarFor a critique of Moore's view see Laursen, John Christian and Nederman, Cary J., eds., Beyond the Persecuting Society: Religious Toleration Before the Enlightenment (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 1998).Google Scholar

3. A valuable introduction to the development of medieval anti-Semitism and the demonization of Jews remains Trachtenberg, Joshua, The Devil and the Jews: The Medieval Conception of the Jew and Its Relation to Modern Anti-Semitism (Philadelphia: Jewish Publication Society, 1983; reprinted with forward by Marc Saperstien).Google ScholarSee also Bonfil, Robert, “The Devil and the Jews in the Christian Consciousness of the Middle Ages,” in Shmuel Almog, Antisemitism Through the Ages, trans. Reisner, Nathan H. (Oxford: Pergamon, 1988), 91–98. For an overview of the explanations of the cause of anti-Semitism, see Shmuel Ettinger, “Jew-Hatred in its Historical Context,” in Almog, Antisemitism, 1–12.Google Scholar

4. The use of the term anti-Semitism is problematic. It was coined originally in 1879 By Marr, Wilhelm to describe the hatred of Jews that was not religiously motivated but instead rooted in contemporary–and erroneous–theories of race and biology. Meaning of the term, however, has evolved since its introduction.Google ScholarChazan, Robert notes its meaning has been restricted to “modern racial perceptions” of Jews and understood also to reflect new patterns of thought (Chazan, Medieval Stereotypes and Modern Antisemitism [Berkeley: University of California Press, 1997,] 127).Google ScholarIt has also gained currency as a general designation of hostility to the Jews. Although valid, neither of these definitions is completely acceptable; the former neglects the broad sweep of anti-Jewish sentiments and the latter is too general. The term may best be defined as “the set of irrational beliefs that portrayed the Jews as a diabolical force committed to the destruction of the established order.” (Chazan, Robert, “Anti-semitism,” Dictionary of the Middle Ages [New York: Charles Scribner's Sons, 1982] 1:338) Indeed, it is this definition that seems most applicable to developments in the Middle Ages and that has frequently been used by medievalists. It is also the definition that I will follow throughout this essay.Google Scholar

5. Chazan, Robert, Medieval Stereotypes; Moore, R. I., “Anti-Semitism and the Birth of Europe,” in Christianity and Judaism, ed. Wood, Diana (Oxford: Blackwell, 1992); and Moore, Formation of a Persecuting Society, 27–45 identify the roots of modern anti-Semitic attitudes in the Middle Ages. Both Chazan and Moore recognize eleventh-century expressions of anti-Semitism but put the greater emphasis on developments of the twelfth century.Google ScholarBut for a critique of Chazan, see Gow's, Andrew review in Speculum 74 (1999), 718–20.CrossRefGoogle ScholarSee Rokéah, David for patristic attitudes toward the Jews. Robert Chazan describes an episode that occurred at the approach of the millennium but distinguishes it from later hostility toward the Jews (“The Persecution of 992,” Revue des études juives 129 [1970]: 217–21).Google ScholarSee also Bredero, , Christendom and Christianity in the Middle Ages: The Relations between Religion, Church, and Society, trans. Bruinsma, Reinder (Grand Rapids, Mich.: Eerdmans, 1994) 286–88, for the view that the eleventh century marked a significant turning point in Christian attitudes toward the Jews.Google Scholar

6. Rokéah, David, “The Church Fathers and the Jews in Writings Designed for Internal and External Use,” in Almog, Antisemitism, 41–50.Google ScholarSee also Bredero, Adriaan, Christendom and Christianity in the Middle Ages, 283–85Google Scholar

7. Langmuir, Gavin M., “The Faith of Christians and Hostility to Jews,” in Christianity and Judaism, ed. Wood, Diana (Oxford: Blackwell, 1992), 81.Google Scholar

8. Moore, , Formation of a Persecuting Society, 27–29.Google Scholar

9. Moore, , Formation of a Persecuting Society, 28–29.Google Scholar

10. Rok'ah, , “The Church Fathers and the Jews in Writings Designed for Internal and External Use,” 41–59.Google Scholar

11. Bredero, , Christendom and Christianity, 285–86.Google Scholar

12. Bredero, , Christendom and Christianity, 286.Google Scholar

13. Langmuir, , “Faith of Christians and Hostility to Jews,” 81–83.Google Scholar

14. For a fuller consideration of the life and career of Ademar, see Landes, Richard, Relics, Apocalypse, and the Deceits of History: Ademar of Chabannes, 989–1034 (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1995)Google Scholarand Wolff, Robert Lee, “How the News was Brought from Byzantium to Angoulême; of the Pursuit of a Hare in an Oxcart,” Byzantine and Modern Greek Studies 4 (1979): 162–209.Google Scholar

15. On Ademar's various works, see Callahan, Daniel, “The Sermons of Ademar of Chabannes and the Cult of St. Martial of Limoges,” Revue bénédictine 86 (1976): 251–95;CrossRefGoogle ScholarEmerson, John A., “Two Newly Identified Offices for Saints Valeria and Austriclinianus by Ademar de Chabannes (Ms. Paris, BN lat. 909, fols. 79–85v),” Speculum 40 (1965): 31–46;CrossRefGoogle ScholarFrassetto, Michael, “The Sermons of Ademar of Chabannes and the Origins of Medieval Heresy” (Ph.D. diss., University of Delaware, 1993);Google ScholarGaborit-Chopin, Danielle, “Les dessins d'Ademar de Chabannes,” Bulletin du comite des travaux historiqueset scientifiques, new series 3 (1967): 163–225;Google ScholarGrier, James, “Ecce sanctum quern deus elegit Marcialem apostolum: Ademar of Chabannes and the Tropes for the Feast of Saint Martial,” in Beyond the Moon: Festschrift Luther Dittmer, ed. Gillingham, Bryan and Merkley, Paul (Ottawa: Institute of Medieval Music, 1990), 28–74;Google ScholarLandes, Richard, “A Libellus from St. Martial of Limoges Written at the Time of Ademar of Chabannes: Un faux à retardement,” Scriptorium 37 (1983): 178–209.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

16. On Ademar as a forger, see Callahan, Daniel F., “Ademar of Chabannes and His Insertions into Bede's Expositio Actuum Apostolorum,” Analecta Bollandiana 111 (1993): 385–400;CrossRefGoogle ScholarFrassetto, Michael, “The Art of Forgery: The Sermons of Ademar of Chabannes,” Comitatus 26 (1995): 11–26;Google ScholarSchneider, Herbert,“Ademar von Chabannes und Pseudoisidor—der ‘Mythomane’ und der Erzfälscher,” in Fälschungen im Mittelalter, vol. 2, Gefälschte Rechtstexte der bestrafte Fälscher, Monumenta Germaniae Historica Schriften 33 (Hanover: Hahnsche Buchhandlung, 1988), 129–50;Google Scholarand especially the series of articles in Bulletin de la littérature ecclésiastique By Saltet, Canon: “Une discussion sur St. Martial entre un Lombard et un Limousin en 1029,” 26 (1925): 161–86, 278–302;Google Scholar“Une prétendue lettre de Jean XIX sur St. Martial fabriquée par Adémar de Chabannes,” 27 (1926): 117–39;Google Scholar“Les faux d'Adémar de Chabannes: Prétendues discussions sur Saint Martial au concile de Bourges de ler novembre 1031,” 27 (1926): 145–60;Google Scholarand “Un cas de mythomanie bien documenté: Adémar de Chabannes (988–1034),” 27 (1926): 149–65.Google Scholar

17. The literature on medieval anti-Judaism and anti-Semitism is quite extensive. One particularly interesting study is Dominique Iogna-Prat, Ordonner et exclure: Cluny et la société chrétienne face à l'hérésie, au judaïsme et à la islam, 1000–1150 (Paris: Aubier, 1998), because Cluniac attitudes, especially as voiced by Peter the Venerable, are very similar to those of Ademar.Google Scholar

18. For Jewish immigration see Chazan, Medieval Stereotypes, 1–18, and for the connection with heresy see below and Chazan, “1007–1012: Initial Crisis for Northern European Jewry,” American Academy for Jewish Research (1970–71): 111–13. Bredero, Christendom and Christianity, 299–302, raises similar points concerning the importance of population pressures for the emergence of anti-Jewishattitudes.Google ScholarFor the influence of apocalypticism, see Callahan, Daniel, “Ademar of Chabannes, Millennial Fears and the Development of Western Anti-Judaism,” The Journal of Ecclesiastical History 46 (1995): 19–35, esp. 23–25.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

19. Ademar of Chabannes, Chronique, trans. Chavanon, Jules (Paris: Alphonse Picard et Fils, 1897), 3:47, 169–70.Google ScholarSee also the account of Glaber, Rodolphus, who also dates the event to 1010, in Rodulfi Glabri Historiarum Libri Quinque, ed. and trans. France, John (Oxford: Clarendon, 1989), 3:7. 24–25, 132–37.Google ScholarIt was actually in 1009 that the church was destroyed by al-Hakim. Frassetto, Michael, “The Image of the Saracen as Heretic in the Sermons of Ademar of Chabannes,” in Western Views of Islam in Medieval and Early Modern Europe: Perceptions of Other, eds. Blanks, David R. and Frassetto, Michael (New York: St. Martin's, 1999), 83–96. See Landes, Relics, Apocalypse, and the Deceits, 43–46, for the apocalyptic meaning of the destruction of the Holy Sepulcher.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

20. Chronique, 3:47, 169. “Nam Judei occidentales epistolas miserunt in Orientem, accusantes Christianos, mandantes exercitus Occidentalium super Sarracenos orientales commotos esse.”Google Scholar

21. Allan, and Cutler, Helen, The Jew as Ally of the Muslim: Medieval Roots of Anti-Semitism (Notre Dame, Ind.: University of Notre Dame Press, 1986).Google Scholar

22. On the Antichrist legend see McGinn, Bernard, Antichrist: Two Thousand Years of the Human Fascination with Evil (San Francisco: HarperSanFrancisco, 1994), 57–113, especially 74–75 and 85–87.Google Scholar

23. Landes, Richard, “The Fear of an Apocalyptic Year 1000: Augusrinian History, Medieval and Modern,” Speculum 75 (2000), 118–23;CrossRefGoogle ScholarMcGinn, , Antichrist, 6–7, 100–103; Adso of Montier en Der, Libellus de Antichriste, ed. Verhelst, Daniel, Corpus Christianorum, Centinuatio Mediaevalis, 45 (Turnhout: Brepols, 1976).Google Scholar

24. D.S. MS Lat Phillipps, 1664, fol. 91v. “Iudei adhuc expectant Incarnationem … et pro Christo Antichristo recipient.”Google Scholar

25. Callahan, “Western Anti-Judaism,” 24, notes that Ademar is the only source recording the earthquake in Rome and persecution, a fact that raises doubts of the authenticity of the incident. These doubts are reinforced for Callahan because of the similarity of the account to the Gospel of Nicodemus. On the incident at Rome, see also Moore, Persecuting Society, 31–34.Google Scholar

26. Chronique, 3:52, 175. The execution of the Jews was, for Ademar, a victory over the enemies of Christ, and it may not be coincidental that the rest of chap. 52 addresses an invasion of Narbonne by a fleet of Saracens that was repelled by Christian armies. Thus Ademar describes two victories over the enemies of Christ and Christendom in this chapter.Google Scholar

27. Bredero, Christendom and Christianity, 276 and 295; Moore, Formation of a Persecuting Society, 34–39; and Trachtenberg, Devil and the jews, 109–23.Google Scholar

28. For heresy in the early eleventh century see Lambert, Malcolm, Medieval Heresy: Popular Movements from the Gregorian Reform to the Reformation, 2d ed. (Oxford: Blackwell, 1992), 3–32.Google Scholar

29. Chronique, 3:49, 173. “Paulo post exorti sunt per Aquitaniam Manichei. ”Google Scholar

30. Lobrichon, Guy, “The Chiaroscuro of Heresy: Early Eleventh-Century Aquitaine as Seen from Auxerre,” in The Peace of God: Social Violence and Religious Response in France around Year 1000, eds. Head, Thomas and Landes, Richard (Ithaca, N.Y.: Cornell University Press, 1992): 348. “Crucem seu vultum domini non adorant, sed et adorantes prout possunt prohibent, ita ut ante uultum stantes fando dicant ‘O quam miseri sunt qui te adorant, dicente psalmista Simulacra gentium, et cetera.’”Google ScholarSee also Frassetto, Michael, “The Sermons of Ademar of Chabannes and the Letter of Heribert: New Sources Concerning the Origins of Medieval Heresy,” Revue bénédictine 109 (1999): 324–40;CrossRefGoogle Scholarand Taylor, Claire, “The letter of Héribert of Périgord as a source for dualist heresy in the society of early eleventh-century Aquitaine,” Journal of Medieval History 26 (2000): 313–49.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

31. Cohen, Jeremy, Living Letters of the Law: Ideas of the Jew in Medieval Christianity (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1999), 156–59.Google Scholar

32. Cohen, Living Letters of the Law, 167–218.Google Scholar

33. Cohen, Living Letters of the Law, 159.Google Scholar

34. Chronique, 3:52, 175. See also Callahan “Western Anti-Judaism,” 24–25; and Moore, Formation of a Persecuting Society, 32–33.Google Scholar

35. Not only did much of Northern Europe witness the sudden reappearance of religious dissent but it also saw the immigration of a large population who would come to be known as the Ashkenazy Jews. On the resurgence of heresy, see Moore, Origins of European Dissent, 3–32; and on the Jews, Chazan, Medieval Stereotypes, 1–18.Google Scholar

36. For fuller discussions of Ademar's interest in heresy see Frassetto, Michael, “Reaction and Reform: Reception of Heresy in Arras and Aquitaine in the Early Eleventh Century,” Catholic Historical Review 83 (1995): 385–400; and Frassetto, “Sermons of Ademar of Chabannes and the Letter of Heribert,” 324–40.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

37. D.S. MS Lat Phillipps, 1664, fol. 72r–72v. “Credimus quia redemptor noster non est conceprus de Ioseph sicut Iudei et haeretici blasphemant sed de spiritu sancto id est per administrationem et virtutem spiritus sancti.”Google Scholar

38. D.S. MS Lat Phillipps, 1664, fol. 74v. “inter congregationem Christianorum qui veriter fidem credunt et inter congregationem Iudeorum, paganorum, Sarracenorum, et omnium haereticorum.” On the significance of this see Cohen, Living Letters of the Law, 156–59 and 167–218, and above.Google Scholar

39. D.S. MS Lat Phillipps, 1664, fol. 74v.Google Scholar

40. Trachtenberg, Devil and the Jews, 11–52.Google Scholar

41. D.S. MS Lat Phillipps, 1664, fol. 97r. “In capite concilii primum debetis audire de fide Catholica quod est principalitas et maior virtus nostra et tocius Christiani imperil saluset Iudeorum atque Sarracenorum et paganorum et haereticorum et Antichristi et diaboli et inferni destructio et confusio.”Google Scholar

42. D.S. MS Lat Phillipps, 1664, fol. 102v. “[E]t ipse diabolus qui Deo contrarius est et ipsi impii homines Iudei Sarraceni pagani haeretici qui Deo contrari sunt.”Google Scholar

43. D.S. MS Lat Phillipps, 1664, fol. 107v–108r.Google Scholar

44. On host desecration and the anti-Jewish stereotype, see Bredero, Christendom and Christianity, 295; Miri Rubin, “Desecration of the Host: The Birth of An Accusation,” in Christianity and Judaism, 169–85; and Trachtenberg, The Devil and the Jews, 109–23.Google Scholar

45. D.S. MS Lat Phillipps, 1664, fols. 103r–103v. “Multi corporeis oculis viderunt aliquotiens oblationem sanctificatam a sacerdote super altare veram carnem et verum cruorem multi viderunt infantem partiri super altare in manibus sacerdotis hoc est ipsum Dominum nostrum qui natus est de Virgine qui cotidie in altari immolatur et sine fine regnat in caelo. Alii antequam frangeretur hostia viderunt puerum sedentem in corporate et non viderunt panem neque vinum et iterum ipsum puerum viderunt transmutatum in figura partis et vini. Alii viderunt angelos super altare in circuitu pueri adstare. Alii viderunt agni partiri in manibus sacerdotum et sanguinem eius fundere in calicem.”Google Scholar

46. Bredero, Christendom and Christianity, 345–46.Google ScholarSee also Rubin, Miri, Corpus Christi: The Eucharist in Late Medieval Culture (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1991) for a broader discussion of the Eurcharist in medieval belief.Google Scholar

47. D.S. MS Lat Phillipps, 1664, fol. 84r.Google Scholar

48. For a fuller discussion and citations to the manuscript, see Frassetto, “Sermons of Ademar,” “Chapter Six: Heresy and Heresies in the Sermons of Ademar of Chabannes,” 231–61.Google Scholar

49. D.S. MS Lat Phillipps, 1664, fol. 112v. “Sed in haereticis et Iudeis et paganis et falsis Christianis nomen Dei non est sanctificarum quia non credunt Deum nee recipiunt legem eius et nomen sanctae trinitatis habent in derisu.”Google Scholar

50. D.S. MS Lat Phillipps, 1664, fol. 84r. “Iudei tarn in suis libris inveniunt trinitatem atque ascensionem Domini in omnia quae de Domino Ihesus Christo credimus ipsi inveniunt praedicta a prophetis in suis libris sed non credunt quia non praedestinati ad vitam aeternam.” See Trachtenberg, Devil and the Jews, 15–18 for discussion of Jewish rejection of the “truth” of Scripture.Google Scholar

51. McGinn, Antichrist, 74–75.Google Scholar

52. D.S. MS Lat Phillipps, 1664, fol. 91v.Google Scholar

53. Gow, Andrew, “Jewish Shock-Troops of the Apocalypse: Antichrist and the End, 1200–1600,” Journal of Millennial Studies 1 (1998): 17.Google Scholar

54. For a fuller consideration of the Jewish role in the Antichrist legend, see Trachtenberg, Devil and the Jews, 39–42. For a useful introduction to the history of Antichrist, see McGinn, Antichrist.Google Scholar

55. Trachtenberg, Devil and the Jews, 43.Google Scholar

56. See Chazan, Medieval Stereotypes, 88–94 on twelfth-century anti-Semitism and the humanization of Christ. Ademar's concerns with St. Martial and the apostolic period suggest growing interest in the human Christ already in the early eleventh century.Google Scholar

57. D.S. MS Lat Phillipps, 1664, fol. 89r. “In nomine Domini nosrri Ihesu Christi quern Iudei crucifixerunt et tercia die resurrexit a mortuis resurge homo.”Google Scholar

58. D.S. MS Lat Phillipps, 1664, fol. 107r.Google Scholar

59. D.S. MS Lat Phillipps, 1664, fol. 108v. “Quia in passione Domini corpus eius immolatum est in cruce et sanguinis eius confusses est et ille verus et vivus panis qui de caelo descendit in terram quando natus est qui etiam angelos ante saecula pascebat in caelo postquam a Iudeis crucifixus est.”Google Scholar

60. D.S. MS Lat Phillipps, 1664, fol. HOv.Google Scholar

61. D.S. MS Lat Phillipps, 1664, fol. 97v. “Sed in cruce ab impius Iudeis in altari a sanctiset benignis sacerdotibus passionem suscipit. Quia Iudei pro impietate Dominum crucifixerunt ut delerent nomen eius de terra…”Google Scholar

62. D.S. MS Lat Phillipps, 1664, fol. 102v. “Nam sicut tune de Monte Oliveti descendit quando Iudei immolaverunt ipsum agnum Dei in cruce per invidiam, ita cotidie … ipsum verum agnum Dei inmaculatum non per invidiam sed per benignitatem et oboedientiam voluntas eius in altari in sancto immolant.”Google Scholar

63. Trachtenberg, Devil and the Jews, 109–23 for discussion of this association.Google Scholar

64. D.S. MS Lat Phillipps, 1664, fol. 73r.Google Scholar

65. D.S. MS Lat Phillipps, 1664, fol. 73r. “Et quern multocies Iudei zelantes imagines crucifixi… lanceis vulnerarunt et sanguine et aqua ex eis profluit tamquam quondam ex latere Domini.” See Callahan, “Western Anti-Judaism,” 24.Google Scholar