Published online by Cambridge University Press: 27 August 2008
In the spring of 1831, Methodist minister John Price Durbin delivered an evangelical sermon that assumed his listeners were familiar with the basic rules of science. “Are planetary worlds seen revolving in their orbits harmoniously and steadily?” he asked his rural Kentucky audience. “Is a little microscopic insect seen in the dust, or in the down of a peach, or in a drop of water?” The answer, of course, was yes—though Durbin saw no need to say so. His questions were merely rhetorical; the Methodists listening to his sermon knew, after all, that planetary worlds and microscopic insects existed, even if not all of them had had the opportunity to see these natural phenomena firsthand. Scientists had proved that the phenomena existed, and in 1831, the authority of science was to be trusted.
1 Durbin, John Price, “On the Omnipresence of God,” Methodist Magazine and Quarterly Review (MMQR) 13 (1831): 49Google Scholar.
2 See Hatch, Nathan O., The Democratization of American Christianity (New Haven, Conn.: Yale University Press, 1989)Google Scholar.
3 See Turner, James, Without God, Without Creed: The Origins of Unbelief in America (Baltimore, Md.: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1985)Google Scholar; Bozeman, Theodore Dwight, Protestants in an Age of Science (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1977)Google Scholar; and Brooke, John Hedley, Science and Religion: Some Historical Perspectives (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1991)Google Scholar.
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10 Francis Asbury, quoted in Lee, Umphrey and Sweet, William Warren, A Short History of Methodism (Nashville, Tenn.: Abingdon, 1956), 45Google Scholar. Sweet, William Warren, Religion on the American Frontier, 1783–1840: Volume IV: The Methodists: A Collection of Source Materials (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1946), 67Google Scholar.
11 Durbin, “On the Omnipresence of God,” 48.
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14 Sweet, Religion on the American Frontier, 51–53; 112–122.
15 Boston Recorder, 12 July 1831.
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29 Twenty-two out of 48 sermons and public addresses published in the MMQR during Nathan Bangs's tenure as editor are either specifically about science and its compatibility with revealed religion, or else they use their audience's familiarity with and acceptance of scientific discoveries to make an argument about some other topic that may or may not be directly related to science.
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31 “Judgement for the Oppressed; a Sermon, preached in the Wesleyan Chapel in Vestry-St., New-York, on the 4th of July, 1843, in behalf of ‘The American Colonization Society’,” MMQR 16 (1834): 412–423; Ruter, Martin, “President Ruter's Baccalaureate Address to the Graduates and Students of Allegheny College,” MMQR 17 (1835): 121–129Google Scholar; Young, J. H., “The Sufferings and Glory of Christ: A Sermon,” MMQR 19 (1837): 318–332Google Scholar; Mattison, Seth, “Substance of a Discourse delivered at the opening of the Church in Yatesville, June 15th, 1838,” MMQR 22 (1840): 21–35Google Scholar.
32 Seth Mattison, “Substance of a Discourse,” 24–25.
33 Jackson, E. Jr., “Address delivered to the Peithologian Society of the Wesleyan University, August 25th, 1835,” MMQR 17 (1835): 451Google Scholar. Jackson briefly represented the state of Connecticut in the House of Representatives, and his biography is available in the Biographical Dictionary of the United States Congress, http://bioguide.congress.gov/biosearch/biosearch.asp; accessed 12 January 2007.
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35 Bozeman, Protestants in an Age of Science, 21.
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37 Bozeman, Protestants in an Age of Science, 3–31.
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39 Fisk, “The Science of Education,” 440.
40 Ruter, “Baccalaureate Address,” 121–122.
41 Caldwell, Merritt, “Professor Caldwell's Address—An Address Delivered before the Trustees and Students at the Annual Commencement of Dickinson College, Carlisle, Pennsylvania, July 16th, 1835,” MMQR 20 (1836): 97, 99Google Scholar.
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43 See MacPherson, Ryan C., “America's Vestiges of Creation: Nature's Development and Divine Presence amid Pre-Darwinian Struggles for Civilization,” Ph.D. diss., University of Notre Dame, 2003Google Scholar.
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46 Mr. H.'s insistence that a full understanding of science is the best defense against atheism is quite similar to the critique of Charles Darwin issued by Henry Martyn Harman in 1863. It seems unlikely, though, that Harman and Mr. H. are the same person, given that Harman would have been just twenty-three years old when Mr. H.'s critique was published. He also did not graduate from college until 1848.
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48 “Review of a book by John William Draper, MD, professor of Chemistry at the University of New York,” MQR 16 (1845): 159–160.
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62 “The Nebular Theory,” QRMECS, 2 (1848): 505.
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69 The paper's editors were referring to a popular, de facto justification of race-based slavery that drew on Genesis 9:20–28 and concluded that Africans were the descendents of Noah's cursed son, Ham. For more on this justification, see Haynes, Stephen R., Noah's Curse: The Biblical Justification of American Slavery (New York: Oxford University Press, 2002)CrossRefGoogle Scholar.
70 It should be noted that David N. Livingstone believes that Winchell was dismissed not because of the “atheistic” implications of his theories but because he had “committed in Southern eyes one unforgivable folly—he had made Adam the descendant of blacks.” I believe this interpretation is based on a misunderstanding of Winchell's work. Winchell did not make Adam the descendents of blacks. He made blacks the descendents of a being who existed before Adam, the first human. See , Livingstone, “The Preadamite Theory and the Marriage of Science and Religion,” in Transactions of the American Philosophical Society 82:3 (1992): 49Google Scholar.
71 St. Louis Christian Advocate, 22 May 1878.
72 Nashville Christian Advocate, “Vanderbilt University and the Critics,” 13 July 1878.
73 Quoted in White, Andrew Dickson, A History of the Warfare of Science with Theology in Christendom (New York: D. Appleton and Co., 1896), 1:315Google Scholar.
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81 “Review of Adamites and Preadamites, by Alexander Winchell,” MQR 60 (1878): 565–566.
82 Two important books do take issue with the idea that evangelicals were uniformly antagonistic to evolution, although neither work is denominationally specific. They are Livingstone's, David N.Darwin's Forgotten Defenders: The Encounter between Evangelical Theology and Evolutionary Thought (Grand Rapids, Mich.: Eerdmans, 1987)Google Scholar, and Roberts's, Jon H.Darwin and the Divine in America: Protestant Intellectuals and Organic Evolution, 1859–1900 (Madison: University of Wisconsin Press, 1988)Google Scholar.
83 “Our Southern Field,” MQR 62 (1880): 225, 228, 230.
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