1. Works by Tazbir, Janusz are the most important here—especially his Stanistaw Lubieniecki, przywódca ariańskiej emigracji (Warszawa: PWN, 1961),Google Scholaras well as Reformacja w Polsce. Szkice o ludziach i doktrynie (Warszawa: Ksiażka i Wiedza, 1993).Google ScholarOnly a few of Tazbir's publications are available in English: A State without Stakes: Polish Religious Toleration in the Sixteenth and Seventeenth Centuries, trans. Jordan, A. T. (New York: Kościuszko Foundation, 1973)Google Scholar[hereafter I refer to the Polish version: Państwo bez stosów (Warszawa: PIW, 1967)];Google ScholarPoland as the Rampart of Christian Europe: Myths and Historical Reality (Warszawa: Interpress, 1983);Google Scholar“Polish Defenders of Political and Religious Peace in the 16^th and 17^th Centuries,” Dialectics and Humanism 9 (1982): 257–276.Google ScholarMoreover, subsequent recent publications in Polish should be mentioned: Dzięgielewski, Jan, O tolerancję dla zdominowanych. Polityka wyznaniowa Rzeczypospolitej w latach panowania Wtadyslawa IV (Warszawa: PWN, 1986);Google ScholarOpaliński, Edward, “The Local Diets and Religious Tolerance in the Polish Commonwealth (1587–1648),” Ada Poloniae Historica (hereafter APH) 68 (1993): 43–57;Google ScholarKriegseisen, Wojciech, Ewangelicy polscy i litewscy w epoce saskiej (1696–1763). Sytuacja prawna, organizacja i stosunki międzywyznaniowe (Warszawa: Semper, 1996)Google Scholarand his “Between Intolerance and Persecution: Polish and Lithuanian Protestants in the 18th Century,” APH 73 (1996): 13–28;Google ScholarRok, Bogdan, “Mniejszości narodowe i religijne w Rzeczypospolitej w czasach saskich. Stan badań i postulaty badawcze,” in Między barokiem a oświeceniem. Nome spojrzenie na czasy saskie, eds. Stasiewicz, Krystyna and Achremczyk, Stanislaw (Olśztyn: Osrodek Badań Naukowych im. Wojciecha Kętrzyńskiego, 1996), 71–84.Google ScholarBanach, Andrzej Kazimierz, “Konwersje protestantów na katolicyzm w Koronie w latach 1560–1600,” Zeszyty Naukowe Uniwersytetu Jagiellońskiego DCCXIV. Prace Historyczne 77 (1985): 21–35 is one of those rare works that deal entirely with this matter.Google Scholar

2. Some of the problems this essay deals with have also been discussed by Kowalski, Waldemar in his article “Malopolscy franciszkanie—reformaci a konwersje na katolicyzm w dobie przedrozbiorowej,” in Księga jubileuszowa Profesora Stanistawa Byliny (Warszawa: DiG, 2001).Google Scholar

3. Selected and not necessarily up-to-date literature in English has been listed by Knoll, Paul W., ”Poland,” in The Oxford Encyclopedia of the Reformation (hereafter OER), ed. Hillerbrand, Hans J. (New York: Oxford University Press, 1996), 3: 283–88.Google Scholar

4. Gleason, Elisabeth G., “Capuchins,” OER, 1: 260–61;Google ScholarLaughlin, R. Emmet Me, “Clergy,” OER, 1: 365;Google ScholarDonnelly, John Patric SI, “Religious Orders,” OER, 3: 414;Google ScholarBreuer, Dieter, “Konversionen im konfessionellen Zeitalter,” in Konversionen im Mittelalter und in der Frtihneuzeit, eds. Niewohner, Friedrich and Radle, Fidel (Hildesheim: Georg Olms Verlag, 1999), 56, 64.Google Scholar

5. Uriel da Costas is, probably, the most well known author of such an autobiography, and recently on that see Niewöhner, Friedrich, “Uriel da Costas Exemplar humanae vitae (1640),” in Konversionen im Mittelalter und in der Frühneuzeit, 171–80.Google Scholar

6. For a general view, see Poland in Christian Civilization, ed. Braun, Jerzy (London: Veritas Foundation Publication Centre, 1985);Google ScholarSamsonowicz, Henryk, “Grupy etniczne w Polsee XV wieku,” in Ojczyzna bliższa i dalsza. Studia historyczne ofiarowane Feliksowi Kirykowi w sześćdziesiątą rocznicę urodzin, eds. Chrobaczyński, Jacek, Jureczko, Andrzej, and Śliwa, Michal (Kraków: Secesja, 1993), 461–64;Google ScholarSamsonowicz, , “La diversité ethnique au Moyen Age: le cas polonais,” APH 71 (1995): 5–16.Google Scholar

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8. Gieysztor, Aleksander, “The Beginnings of Jewish Settlement in the Polish Lands,” in The Jews in Poland, eds. Abramsky, Chimen, Jachimczyk, Maciej, and Polonsky, Antony (Oxford: Blackwell & The Institute for Polish-Jewish Studies, 1986), 17–18;Google ScholarSamsonowicz, , “Grupy etniczne,” 465–66;Google ScholarSamsonowicz, , ”The Jewish Population in Poland during the Middle Ages,” Dialectics and Humanism 1 (1989): 35–42;Google ScholarWijaczka, Jacek, “Die Einwanderung der Juden und antijüdische Exzesse in Polen im späten Mittelalter,” in Judenvertreibungen in Mittelalter und früher Neuzeit, eds. Burgard, Friedhelm, Haverkamp, Alfred, and Mentgen, Gerd, Forschungen zur Geschichte der Juden 9 (Hannover: Hahnsche Buchhandlung, 1999), 241–56.Google Scholar

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10. Guidon, and Kowalski, , “Between Tolerance and Abomination,” 161–62;Google ScholarSmout, T. C., Landsman, N. C., and Devine, T. M., “Scottish Emigration in the Seventeenth and Eighteenth Centuries,” in Europeans on the Move: Studies on European Migration, 1500–1800, ed. Canny, Nicholas (Oxford: Clarendon, 1994), 76–112.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

11. Samsonowicz, , “Grupy etniczne,” 469.Google Scholar

12. Litak, Stanistaw, Od Reformacji do Oświecenia. Kościól; katolicki w Polsce nowożytnej, (Lublin: Towarzystwo Naukowe KUL, 1994), 29.Google Scholar

13. Ulrban, Waclaw, Epizod reformacyjny (Krakow: KAW, 1988), 30 and passim.Google Scholar

14. “Who worship no gods or many pagan ones.”Google Scholar

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19. See especially Maczak, Antoni, Money, Prices and Power in Poland, 16–17^th Centuries: A Comparative Approach (Aldershot: Variorum, 1995);Google ScholarTopolski, Jerzy, The Manorial Economy in Early-Modern East-Central Europe: Origins, Development and Consequences (Aidershot: Variorum, 1994);Google ScholarGierowski, Józef Andrzej, The Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth in the XVIIIth Century: From Anarchy to Well-Organised State (Kraków: Polska Akademia Umiejętności, 1996);Google ScholarBogucka, Maria, “Polish Towns Between the Sixteenth and Eighteenth Centuries,” in A Republic of Nobles: Studies in Polish History to 1864, ed. Fedorowicz, J. K. (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1982), 138–52;Google ScholarWyrobisz, Andrzej, “Attitude of the Polish Nobility Towards Towns in the First Half of the 17^th Century,” APH 48 (1983): 77–94.Google Scholar

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21. See the literature in footnote 1 and also Tazbir, Janusz, “The Fate of Polish Protestantism in the Seventeenth Century,” in A Republic of Nobles, 198–217;Google ScholarTazbir, , “Der polnische Staat und die Kirche in der Neuzeit,” Vierteljahrschrift fur Sozial- und Wirtschaftsgeschichte 74 (1983): 244–57Google Scholarand also by the same author “The Specific Character of Polish Tolerance” in Nation, Church, Culture: Essays on Polish History (Lublin: Catholic University of Lublin, 1990), 55–68.Google Scholar

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24. Tschuschke, Michał, “Ofiara mszalna w piśmiennictwie teologicznym okresu Reformacji w Polsce,” Poznańskie Studia Teologiczne 5 (1984): 119–42;Google ScholarMisiurek, , Historia, passim; Janusz Tazbir, Piotr Skarga. Szermierz kontrreformacji (Warszawa: Wiedza Powszechna, 1978).Google Scholar

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27. Banach, “Konwersje,” passim. Political aspects of religious conversion were not a Polish peculiarity in “confessionalized” Europe; see Winkelbauer, Thomas, “Karrieristen oder fromme Männer? Adelige Konvertiten in den böhmischen und österreichischen Ländern um 1600,” Frühneuzeit-Info. Herausgegeben vom Institut für die Erforschung der Frühen Neuzeit 10 (1999): 9–20.Google Scholar

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46. See Kowalski, Waldemar, “Revenues of the Parochial Benefices in the Sandomierz Archdeaconry in the 14^th–18^th Centuries,” Revue d'Histoire Ecclesiastique 95 (2000): 93–95.Google Scholar

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51. Idem, Kościół i klasztor franciszkanów w Zaklkzynie, 233–35; Radoń, Sławomir, Z dziejów polemiki antyariańskiej w Polsce XVI–XVII wieku (Kraków: Universitas, 1993), 127–30.Google Scholar

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54. Sources: The Lublin Monastery Records (see above); AKL I; AKL II;Google ScholarKowalski, Waldemar (ed.), “Pińczowski spis konwertytów XVII–XIX wieku,” Nasza Przeszlość 73 (1990): 12–33;Google Scholaridem, ed., “Stopnicki rejestr konwertytow XVII-XIX wieku,” Nasza Przeszłość 76 (1991): 211–284.

55. See Szewczyk, Roman, Ludność Lublina w latach 1583–1650 (Lublin: Katolicki Uniwersytet Lubelski, 1947);Google Scholarsee Litwin, Henryk, “Catholization Among the Ruthenian Nobility and Assimilation Processes in the Ukraine During the Years 1569–1648,” APH 55 (1987): 57–84.Google Scholar

56. The increase has been noticed also by Goldberg, Jakub, “Żydowscy konwertyci w społeczeństwie staropolskim,” Spoteczeństwo Staropolskie, eds. Izydorczyk, Anna and Wyczański, Andrzej (Warszawa: PWN, 1986), 4: 199.Google Scholar

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60. SR, 211–212; Banach, “Konwersje,” 32–33;Google ScholarKosman, Protestanci i kontrreformacja, 58–59, 104–105;Google Scholarsee Goodman, Jennifer, “Marriage and Conversion in Late Medieval Romance,” in Varieties of Religious Conversion in the Middle Ages, ed. Muldoon, James (Gainesville: University Press of Florida, 1997), passim.Google Scholar

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70. “Si caeci essetis, non haberetis peccatum; nunc vero dictis: Quia videmus. Peccatum vestrum manet”; (the Vulgate version).Google Scholar

71. “[I]n vase illo synagogae Calvinianae non fuit sanguis Christi sed merum vinum”; SR, 236.Google Scholar

72. See Bracha, Krzysztof, Teolog, diabeł i zabobony. Świadectwo traktatu Mikołaja Magni z Jawora De superstitionibus (1405 r.) (Warszawa: Neriton, 1999)Google Scholarand the German version of this book: Theologe, Teufel und Aberglaube. Das Zeugnis des Traktates Nikolaus Magni von Jawor De superstitionibus (1405). Quellen und Forschungen zur Europäischen Ethnologic ed. Harmening, Dieter (Würzburg: Verlag Dr. J. H. Roell, Dettelbach, 2002, forthcoming). The Reformati possessed fifteenth- and sixteenth-century sermon collections in their cloisters' libraries. The friars happened to be bequeathed books by the parochial clergy they cooperated with (Pasiecznik, Kościół i klasztor franciszkanów-refortnatów iv Bieczu, 148–66; and his Kościół; i klasztor franciszkanów w Zakliczynie, 163–75). We can suppose that the above-mentioned ways of persuasion that were presented in the analyzed chronicle may have been inspired by didactic stories [exempla] that used to be called on by the authors of those medieval sermon collections.Google Scholar

73. SR, 235.Google Scholar

74. “[Q]ui mortuus erat, revixit”; Banach, “Konwersje,” 24–25.Google Scholar

75. “[C]um candelis et iubilo”; SR, 237.Google Scholar

76. See Forstner, Dorothea OSB, Die Welt der christlichen Symbole (Innsbruck: Tyrolia Verlag, 1966);Google Scholarhere I refer to the Polish edition: Świat symboliki chrześcijańskiej (Warszawa: Instyrut Wydawniczy PAX, 1990), 92–93.Google ScholarSuch an interpretation was known in Poland, too, which has been noted by Maciuszko, Janusz T., Symbole w religijnosci polskiej doby baroku i kontrreformacji (Warszawa: Chrześcijańska Akademia Teologiczna, 1986), passim.Google Scholar

77. See McCormack, Bruce L., For Us and Our Salvation: Incarnation and Atonement in the Reformed Tradition, in Studies in Reformed Theology and History (Princeton: Princeton Theological Seminary, Spring 1993), 1, 2: 25–34.Google Scholar

78. “[P]raesentia totius academiae Pinczoviensis”; that is of the local high school branch of Cracow University.Google Scholar

79. “[E]xtra fores caemeteri eiusdem ecclesiae Miroviensis”; PS, 15.Google Scholar

80. “Curatio miraculosa muti et surdi.”Google Scholar

81. “He lay at the table where the Body of Christ, under the [Eucharistic] species, had been placed (it had been brought for the father of the family, who was sick). At night, as he was lying at that table, and others were lying near the bed, not yet asleep, two awe-inspiring persons came in: a 33-year-old man, drenched with blood from his feet, hands, and side, and a woman who inspired reverence. They showed displeasure and threatened him, because he did not venerate the place where Christ was lying under the species of bread. The woman, whom he called the Blessed Virgin Mary, moved to the place where he lay and touched his head with her hands. Immediately he got up shouting, and blessed God and the household, and all the village was flabbergasted”; “Iacebat in ea mensa, ubi Corpus Christi sub speciebus ad infirmum patrem familias allatum positum erat. Eo decumbente in ea mensa nocte, aliis sub eodem lecto decumbentibus, nee dum dormientibus, duae venerabiles advenerunt personae: masculus 33 annorum, sanguine ex pedibus, manibus et latere madens, et mulier veneranda, aegre ferentes et minitantes, quod ilium locum non veneraret, ubi Christus sub specie panis quiescebat. Mulier ilia, quam dixerat Beatam Virginem Mariam, movens eaum loco tetigit palmis caput eius, extemplo loco surgens et damans distincte benedixit Deum et domesticos, ac totum pagum ad stuporem perduxit”; SR, 213.Google ScholarThe opinion has been repeated here after Dobrowolski, Pawel T., Wincenty Ferrer, kaznodzieja ludowy późnego sredniowiecza (Warszawa: Instytut Historii Polskiej Akademii Nauk, 1996), 130–31.Google ScholarSee also especially Rubin, , Corpus Christi, passim;Google ScholarHsia, , The Myth, 55–56.Google Scholar

82. “Stanislaus Rutenus, homo rudis et simplex, et timens Deum”; SR, 211–14.Google Scholar

83. This has been recalled recently by Norman, Corrie E., Humanist Taste and Franciscan Values: Cornelio Musso and Catholic Preaching in Sixteenth-Century Italy (New York: Peter Lang, 1998). The author points to the fact that the style of Franciscan preaching was never strictly defined, and an audience's expectations would shape the language of a sermon.Google ScholarSee also Valone, Carolyn, “The Art of Hearing: Sermons and Images in the Chapel of Lucrezia della Rovere,” The Sixteenth Century journal 31 (2000): 753–77.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

84. “[I]n defensione sui erroris pertinacissima et quasi altera Evangelicorum episcopissa, dum varii circa illam ex nostris patribus oleum et operam perdidisse putarant, tamndem non in vacuum laboravere”; SR, 239.Google Scholar

85. See Pasiecznik, , Kościół i klasztor franciszkanow w Zakliczynie, 225–32; and his Kościół i klasztor franciszkanów-reformatów w Bieczu, 214.Google Scholar

86. SR, 218–20.Google Scholar

87. “[C]onfusionem nostrae Sanctae Catholicae Religioni”Google Scholar

88. AKL I, 243–44.Google Scholar

89. “Ogród nie plewiony,” 395.Google Scholar

90. The development of such Counter-Reformation processes in Little Poland is especially well known for Raków—“the Arian Rome”; recently Waciaw Urban, “Katolickie swiadectwo o arianach w Rakowie w 1662 r.,” OiRwP 50 (1996): 107–109. For an outline of the pastoral theory and practice in post-Tridentine Europe (including Poland),Google Scholarsee Hsia, R. Po-chia, The World of Catholic Renewal, 1540–1770 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1998).Google ScholarSee also Tazbir, , Państwo, 185–207;Google ScholarDziegielewski, , O tolerancję, 145–47;Google ScholarStillig, Jürgen, jesuiten, Ketzer und Konvertiten in Niedersachsen: Untersuchung zutn Religions- und Bildungswesen im Hochstift Hildesheim in der Frühen Neuzeit (Hildesheim: Bernward, 1993).Google Scholar

91. “[U]ltima infirmitate correptus”Google Scholar

92. “[DJivina aspirante gratia”Google Scholar

93. AKL I, 243.Google Scholar

94. See Banach, , “Konwersje,” 30–33;Google ScholarTazbir, , Reformacja, 117; his Państwo, 209.Google Scholar

95. BCK, MS. 1700 IV, 184; this copy differs only in details from that published by Kraushar, Aleksander, Frank i Frankiści polscy 1726–1816 (Kraków: G. Gebethner, 1895), 1: 135–39.Google ScholarThere are serious doubts about the credibility of that declaration, according to an opinion shared both by Kraushar, (143) and Doktór, Jan, Jakub Frank i jego nauka na tie kryzysu religijnej tradycji osiemnastowiecznego iydostwa polskiego (Warszawa: Instytut Filozofii i Socjologii PAN, 1991), 105–11;Google ScholarDoktór, , “Jakub Frank, a Jewish Heresiarch and His Messianic Doctrine,” APH 76 (1997): 53–74. It is worth noting that the petition seems to have been written in the Kamieniec court of the late Frankists' protector, Bishop Mikotaj Dębowski, or even by a factotum for the Primate Władysław A. Lubienski.Google Scholar

96. SR, passim; PS, passim; AKL I, 243–45; AKL II, 245, 246. The children saved from the 1407 Cracow pogrom by Christian burghers open the list of such forced baptisms in the Polish lands;Google Scholarsee Zaremska, Hanna, “Jan Dhigosz o tumulcie krakowskim w 1407 roku,” in Między polityką a kulturą. Księga pamiątkowa ofiarowana Profesorowi Andrzejowi Wyczańskiemu w 75-lecie urodzin i 50-lecie pracy naukowej, ed. Kuklo, Cezary (Warszawa: Wydawnicrwo Naukowe PWN & Uniwersytet w Białymstoku, 1999), 155–65. The author points to the fact that it was a common practice in late-medieval Europe (including Cracow) to locate university buildings in Jewish quarters. The custom may have been connected with the belief found at least in some Reich cities that “unlike Jewish persons, Jewish space could be ‘truly’ converted”;Google Scholarsee Minty, Mary, “From Judengasse to Christian Quarter,” in Popular Religion in Germany and Central Europe, 1400–1800, eds. Scribner, Bob and Johnson, Trevor (New York: St. Martin's, 1996), 86.Google ScholarZaremska, Hanna, “Jewish Street (Platea Judeorum) in Cracow: The 14th—The First Half of the 15th c,” APH 83 (2001): 27–56.Google Scholar

97. A wide scope of social background has been shown by Goldberg, Jacob, Converted Jews in the Polish Commonwealth (Jerusalem: Zalman Shazar Center for the Furtherance of the Study of Jewish History & The Hebrew University of Jerusalem, 1985). Hereafter I refer to the Polish version of that work (cited already as “Żydowscy konwertyci”).Google Scholar

98. Archiwum Kurii Metropolitalnej w Krakowie (hereafter AKMKr), Ksiąząt biskupow krakowskich pisma na diecezja, MS, no signature, 664–65.Google Scholar

99. See Goldberg, , “Żydowscy konwertyci,” 211Google Scholarand also Allegra, Luciano, “L'antisemitismo come risorsa politica, battesimi forzati e ghetti nel Piemonte del settecento,” Quaderni Storici 28 (1993): 867–99,Google Scholarand Hsia, , The Myth, 112–19.Google Scholar

100. Kriegseisen, Ewangelicy, 203–5, 222.Google Scholar

101. For more on that see Goldberg, , “Żydowscy konwertyci,” 221;Google ScholarWęgrzynek, Hanna, “Czarna legenda” Żydów. Procesy o rzekome mordy rytualne w dawnej Polsce (Warszawa: Wydawnictwo Bellona & Wydawnictwo Fundacji Historia Pro Fururo, 1995), 157 and passim;Google ScholarGuidon, Zenon and Wijaczka, Jacek, Procesy o mordy rytualne w Polsce w XVI-XVII1 wieku (Kielce: Wydawnictwo DCF, 1995).Google ScholarEidem, , “The Accusation of Ritual Murder in Poland, 1500–1800,” Polin. Studies in Polish Jewry 10 (1997): passim.Google Scholar

102. SR, 265; PS, 31.Google Scholar

103. “[B]aptizavit nobilem Samuelem, Haebreum, medicinae doctorem, Italum de Mantua oriundum, virum in litteris Haebraicis eruditissimum et Judaicae professionis rabinum.”Google Scholar

104. Archiwum Diecezjalne w Kielcach, Akta kolegiaty kieleckiej, MS. 1, 245.Google Scholar

105. Bataban, Majer, Historia Żydów w Krakowie i na Kazimierzu 1304–1868 (Kraków: Zarzd Główny Towarzystwa Nadzieja, 1931), 1: 82–83, 140–41, 151, 161, 293–97.Google ScholarAlso Horn, Maurycy, “Kultura umysłowa Żydów polskich w XV–XVIII wiekach,” in Między Wschodem i Zachodem, Part 1: Kultura umyslowa, ed. Kloczowski, Jerzy, Dzieje Lubelszczyzny (Warszawa: PWN, 1989), 6: 127–58. Italian Jews used to arrive in Poland to study the Torah at famous learned centers;Google Scholarsee Elboim, Jacob, “Contacts Between Poland and Italy during the Sixteenth Century,” Gal-Ed 7–8 (1985): 7 (English summary and the Hebrew text there).Google Scholar

106. See Friedman, Jerome, “New Christian Religious Alternatives,” in The Expulsion of the Jews, 19–40.Google Scholar

107. Kubala, Ludwik, “Czarna śmierć,” in his Szkice historyiczne, Series 1 & 2 (Warszawa: H. Altenberg, 1923), 330, says also that “[t]he plague maiden in different shapes, who moved across forest ranges, was spotted.”Google Scholar

108. See Smolinsky, Heribert, “Konversion zur Konfession. Jüdische Konvertiten im 16. Jahrhundert,” in Konversionen im Mittelalter und in der Frühneuzeit, 160.Google Scholar

109. “Hie vero venit non alio motivo (uti patuit ex diligenti spiritus eius examine) nisi facilioris aditus ad fidem”; AKL II, s. 245.Google ScholarShatzmiller, Joseph, “Jewish Converts to Christianity in Medieval Europe, 1200–1500,” in Cross Cultural Convergences in the Crusader Period: Essays Presented To Aryeh Grabois On His Sixty-fifth Birthday, eds. Goodich, Michael, Sophia Menache, and Sylvia Schein (New York: Peter Lang, 1995), 297–318.Google Scholar

110. See for example Węgrzynek, , “Czarna legenda,” 157. According to St Augustine, any decision of adherence to Christianity should be subject to meticulous investigation; “one fantastic and surreal mass public baptism” of Jews in Portugal in 1497 was, obviously, contrary to that admonition;Google ScholarFriedman, J., “New Christian,” 21.Google Scholar

111. OFMCap, Andrzej Derdziuk, Grzech w XVIII wieku. Nurty w polskiej teologii moralnej (Lublin: Redakcja Wydawnictw Katolickiego Uniwersytetu Lubelskiego, 1996), 178–79.Google Scholar

112. Powodowski, Hieronim, Agenda seu ritus sacramentorum ecclesiasticorum (Cracoviae: Architypographia Lazari, 1605), 2: 144.Google Scholar

113. “Praefatus Petrus baptizatus, turn ex charitate, turn pro labore suae artis honestae vestitus, post aliquod menses movit Pinczovia gressus tentandae causa pro ulteriori vita fortunae”; PS, 27.Google Scholar

114. The problem has been widely commented on by Goldberg, “Żydowscy konwertyci,” passim. See also especially Marcus, Ivan, Rituals of Childhood: Jewish Acculturation in Medieval Europe (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1998),Google Scholarthe volume In and Out of the Ghetto. Jewish-Gentile Relations in Late Medieval and Early Modern Germany, eds. Hsia, R. Po-Chia and Lehmann, Hartmut (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1995)CrossRefGoogle Scholarand Moulinas, René, “Conversions et entreprises de conversion chez les Juifs d'Avignon et du Comtat Venaissin au temps des ‘carrieres’ (XVI^e et XVII^e siecles),” Dimensioni e Problemi della Ricerca Storica 2 (1996): 71–78.Google Scholar

115. Derdziuk, , Grzech, 183;Google ScholarShatzmiller, , “Jewish Converts,” 316.Google Scholar

116. Tazbir, , Państwo, 252; his Reformacja, 242.Google Scholar

117. Haur, Jakub Kazimierz, Skiad abo skarbiec znakomitych sekretow oekonomiej ziemiatiskiej (Kraków: Schedl, 1689), 176.Google Scholar

118. Kowalski, Waldemar, “W obronie wiary. Ks. Stefan Żuchowski - między wzniosłością a okrucieństwem,” in Żydzi wśród chrześcijan w dobie szlacheckiej Rzeczypospolitej, eds. Kowalski, Waldemar and Muszyriska, Jadwiga (Kielce: Instytut Historii Wyższej Szkofy Pedagogicznej w Kielcach & Kieleckie Towarzystwo Naukowe, 1996), 227.Google Scholar

119. Nawrocki was one of a few common surnames that used to be given to newly baptized Jews. The name derives from the Polish verb “nawrócić”—“to convert.”Google Scholar

120. AKMKr, Acta officialia, MS. A Of 145, f. 1609–1609v.Google Scholar

121. “[Q]uia ipse nulla habita causa nisi ex preconcepto contra actorem, quod sit ad fidem Catholicam ex Iudaismo conversus dum una cum coniuge sua.”Google Scholar

122. AKMKr, Acta episcopalia, MS. A Ep 62, k. 61v.-62.Google Scholar

123. “[A]ctio contra fidem Catholicam”Google Scholar

124. “[Q]ui secum in lite semper manent et sua genri sunt infensissimi”; AKMKr, A Ep 62, f. 61v.-62v., 67v.-68, 69–72, 76–76v., 89v., 91v.-92, 98v.-99, 121v.Google Scholar

125. Recently Bardelle, Thomas, Juden in einem Transit- und Brückenland: Studien zur Geschichte der Juden in Savoyen-Piemont bis zum Ende der Herrschaft Amadeus VIII, Forschungen zur Geschichte der Juden 5 (Hannover: Hahnsche Buchhandlung, 1998), 267–98;Google ScholarShatzmiller, , “Jewish Converts,” 303–304;Google ScholarHsia, , The Myth, passim.Google ScholarSee Treue, Wolfgang, “Schlechte und gute Christen. Zur Rolle von Christen in antijüdischen Ritualmord- und Hostienschändungslegenden,” Aschkenas 2 (1992): 95–116.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

126. On communal liability and the fear of sacrilege accusation, see Shmeruk, Chone, “The Martyr Rabbi Shachna: Kraków 1682,” Gal-Ed 7–8 (1985): 9 (English summary and Hebrew text).Google Scholar

127. They declared in their famous manifesto that one of their aims was to prove the actual existence of ritual murder; BCK, MS. 1700 IV, 184; Staszewski, , “Votum Separatum,” 230–31.Google Scholar

128. The specific Polish conditions of those processes have been discussed by Goldberg, , “Żydowscy konwertyci,” 218–21, 244–45;Google Scholarsee Jewish Apostasy in the Modern World, ed. Endelman, Todd M. (New York: Holmes & Meier, 1987);Google ScholarPullan, Brian, The jews of Europe and the Inquisition of Venice, 1550–1670 (London: I. B. Tauris, 1997)Google Scholarand Judaeus conversus: christlich-jüdische Konvertitenautobiographien des 18. ]ahrhunderts, eds. Graf, Johannes, Schmid, Michael, and Emter, Elisabeth (Bern: Peter Lang, 1997).Google Scholar

129. AKL I, 297.Google Scholar

130. Balaban, Majer, “Auto-da-fé we Lwowie w r. 1728,” in his Studia historyczne (Warszawa: Ksiegarnia M. J. Freid, 1927), 135–36;Google ScholarGuidon, and Wijaczka, , Procesy, 50, n. 29. Such “sitting on the edge” happened not only in Poland; see Breuer, “Konversionen,” 65.Google Scholar

131. Friedman, , “New Christian,” 23 reminds one that “Italian New Christians presented themselves as Christians, Jewish, both or neither, according to circumstances.” More on that in Pullan, The Jews, passim.Google ScholarAmsterdam's role has been widely commented on by the authors of Secret Conversions to Judaism in Early Modern Europe, eds. Mulsow, Martin and Popkin, Richard H. (Leiden: Kluwer).Google ScholarI am most indebted to Martin Mulsow (Munich) and Arthur H. Williamson (California State University, Sacramento) who kindly informed me of the volume's contents to be published.Google ScholarSee Breuer, , “Konversionen,” 65;Google ScholarKaplan, Yosef, From Christianity to Judaism: The Story of Isaac Orobio de Castro, trans. Loewe, Raphael, Littman Library of Jewish Civilization series (New York: Oxford University Press, 1989).Google Scholar

132. “When a wise man blunders, it's even more serious.”Google Scholar

133. “A wise man can't be wrong.”Google Scholar

134. “About the Holy Trinity.”Google Scholar

135. Matuszewicz, Marcin, Diariusz życia mego, vol. 1: 1714–1757, eds. Królikowski, Bohdan and Zielińska, Zofia (Warszawa: PIW, 1986), 385–386.Google Scholar

136. Bursch, Meike, Judentaufe und frühneuzeitliches Strafrecht. Die Verfahren gegen Christian Treu aus Weener/Ostfriesland 1720–1728 (Bern: Peter Lang, 1996).Google ScholarSee also Hsia, , Myth, 70;Google ScholarShatzmiller, , “Jewish Converts,” 309–10.Google Scholar

137. Matuszewicz, , Diariusz, 385.Google Scholar

138. Kowalski, , “W obronie wiary,” 227. The Catholic teaching used to maintain that Judaism meant impiety, which explains why the term infidelis was ascribed to the Jew according to the rules of the Polish social strata titularity.Google Scholar

139. See Pietrzyk, Zdzislaw, “Judaizers in Poland in the Second Half of the Sixteenth Century,” in The Jews in Old Poland 1000–1795, eds. Polonsky, Antony, Basista, Jakub, and Link-Lenczowski, Andrzej (New York: I. B. Tauris & The Institute for Polish-Jewish Studies, 1993), 23–35,Google Scholarand also Guidon, Zenon and Kowalski, Waldemar, “Between Tolerance and Abomination: Jews in Sixteenth-Century Poland,” in The Expulsion of the Jews, 167.Google Scholar

140. “[I]n quanto respectu erant apud ipsum dominum famuli apostatae a fide catholica cultoresque Mahumeti … et ille hoc respectu ductus apostavit a fide, acquievit turpissimo Mahumetsimo”; SR, 251–52.Google ScholarFor more on similar cases see Dziubiński, Andrzej, “Poturczericy polscy. Przyczynek do historii nawróceń na islam w XVI-XVIII w.,” Kwartalnik Historyczny 102 (1995): 19–36;Google ScholarBennassar, Bartolome, “Conversions, esclavage et commerce des femmes dans les peninsules Iberique, Italienne ou Balkanique aux XVI^e et XVII^e siecles,” Dimensioni e Problemi della Ricerca Storica 2 (1996): 101–109.Google ScholarOn the problems of the Muslim minority's assimilation in Poland, see Borawski, Piotr and Sienkiewicz, Witold, “Chrystianizacja Tatarów w Wielkim Księstwie Litewskim,” OiRwP 34 (1989): 87–113.Google ScholarOn the status of the Christians and the Jews in the Ottoman Empire, see Panova, Sneschka, Die Juden zwischen Toleranz und Völkerrecht im Osmanischen Reich (Bern: Peter Lang, 1997);Google ScholarFriedman, , “New Christian,” 23.Google Scholar

141. AKL I, 242.Google Scholar

142. SR, 217–18.Google Scholar

143. PS, 15. He was not the only neophyte who made his name as an accuser of his former co-religionists; see Kriegseisen, , Ewangelicy, 136.Google Scholar

144. SR, 268–69.Google Scholar

145. “[E]x monacho Calvini”Google Scholar

146. “[D]ivina gratia inspirante praeter spem parentum sola solo angelo custode, comite sui itineris”Google Scholar

147. “[N]e revocatione sua approximaret mortem utpote amantissimae [matri] suae”Google Scholar

148. SR, 238, 240, 247, 256.Google Scholar

149. Tworek, Stanisiaw, “Raków w okresie ‘nieustajacego synodu’ (1569–1572),” in Wokół dziejów i tradycji arianiztnu, ed. Szczucki, Lech (Warszawa: PWN, 1971), 67–75;Google ScholarSzczucki, Lech, W kregu myslicieli heretyckich (Wroclaw: Zaklad Narodowy im. Ossolińskich, 1972), 122–95;Google ScholarTazbir, , Reformacja, 11.Google Scholar

150. The authors whose works are listed in fn. 1 and, moreover, Jobert, Ambroise, De Luther r Mohila. La Pologne dans la crise de la Chrétienté 1517–1648 (Paris: Institut d'Études Slaves, 1974)Google Scholarand the Polish edition: Od Lutra do Mohyły. Polska wobec kryzysu chrześcijaństwa 1517–1648 (Warszawa: Instyrut Wydawniczy PAX & Oficyna Wydawnicza Volumen, 1994), 148;Google ScholarUrban, Wactaw, Epizod reformacyjny (Krakow: KAW, 1988), 69.Google ScholarWanegffelen, Thierry, “Les exegetes du XVI^e siecle face a la conversion et a l'apostasie,” Revue de l'Histoire des Religions 210 (1993): 413–30, by analyzing commentaries on gospel passages dealing with conversion and apostasy found that it was not until the seventeenth-century controversy over Jansenism that Catholic and Protestant biblical interpretation became “confessionalized.”CrossRefGoogle Scholar

151. Decas rationum quibus Ecclesiae Catholicae veritas, Lutheranae vanitas demonstratur … in Alma Academia Cracoviensi studioso (Cracoviae: Officina Matthiae Andreoviensis), 65 ff.Google Scholar

152. See Grzebień, Ludwik Sl, “Löwenstein Teodor,” in Słownik polskich teologów katolickich, ed. Wyczawski, H. E. OFM, vol. 2 (Warszawa: Akademia Teologii Katolickiej, 1982), 539–40.Google Scholar

153. Kazania pogrzebne miane w różnych żałobnych okazyjach (Kalisz: Kollegium T.J., 1670), 88–96.Google ScholarSee also “Lorencowicz Aleksander,” in Bibliografia literatury polskiej ‘Nowy Korbut’, Vol. 2: Piśmiennictwo staropolskie, Parts A-M, ed. Pollak, Roman et al. (Warszawa: Państwowy Instytut Wydawniczy, 1964), 456–57;Google Scholar“Lorencowicz Aleksander,” in Encyklopedia wiedzy o Jezuitach na ziemiach Polski i Litwy 1564–1995, ed. SI, L. Grzebień et al. (Kraków: Wydział Filozoficzny Towarzystwa Jezusowego, Instytut Kultury Religijnej, Wydawnictwo M, 1996), 371.Google Scholar

154. See Tazbir, , “L'image du Juive dans l'ancienne Pologne,” L'Autre Europe 10 (1986): 75–82;Google Scholarand especially Wegrzynek, , “Czarna legenda,” 175.Google Scholar

155. Lorencowicz, , Kazania pogrzebne, 94–96.Google Scholar

156. Zaleski, , Jezuici, 1: 1 (1900): 386–87 and 1: 2 (1900): 693–94; 4: 1 (1905): 337.Google ScholarObirek, Stanisław SI, Jezuici w Rzeczypospolitej Obojga Narodow w latach 1564–1668. Dziatalność religijna, spoleczno-kulturalna i polityczna (Kraków: Wydawnictwo WAM, 1996), ,61. In 1625 the Congregation of the Faith Propaganda declared a ban on entering into public disputes with Protestants;Google ScholarJobert, , Od Lutra, 197.Google Scholar

157. Tazbir's, Janusz opinion expressed during the panel “Sytuacja kultury, literatury i sztuki polskiej po ‘potopie’” [The Situation of Polish Culture, Literature and the Fine Arts after “the Deluge”], in Literatura i kultura polska po “potopie”, eds. Otwinowska, Barbara, Pelc, Janusz, and Falęcka, Barbara (Wroclaw: Zaktad Narodowy im. Ossolińskich, 1992), 206.Google Scholar

158. “[P]raemissa solenni protestatione ex persona sui, quod circa defensiones et controversias in eadem causa intentionem promovendi huiusmodi actionem contra fidern Catholicam non habeat”; AKMKr, MS. A Ep 62, f. 70v.Google Scholar

159. Wyczawski, Hieronim Eugeniusz, “Katalog Archiwum Prowincji OO. Bernardynów w Krakowie,” Archiwa, Biblioteki i Muzea Kościelne (hereafter ABMK) 4 (1962): 50, 52.Google Scholar

160. Idem, “Katalog,” ABMK 5 (1962): 15, 173; idem, “Kalwaria Zebrzydowska,” in Klasztory bernardynskie w Polsce w jej granicach historycznych, ed. idem (Kalwaria Zebrzydowska: Wydawnictwo Bernardynow Calvarianum, 1985), 119.

161. Kłoczowski, , “Zakony męskie,” 540, 550–60,Google Scholarand also Flaga, , Dziaialność, 41–138.Google Scholar

162. Archiwum Prowincji Krakowskiej OO. Kapucynow (hereafter APKKr), Akta klasztoru w Krakowie, Conversi ad fidem in Ecclesia nostra, MS. with no signature.Google Scholar

163. APKKr, Akta konwentu w Rozwadowie, Tomus primus. Chronologia seu historia conventus Rozvadoviensis PP. Capucinorum [1740–1862], MS. with no signature and also the records of the cloisters at Oleksów and Sędziszów in that provincial archive.Google Scholar

164. Some non-religious aspects of the matter have been discussed by Jasnowski, Józef, “Problems of the Frontier with the Steppes of the North Black Sea,” Antemurale 2 (1955): 40–45.Google Scholar