¹ Hugh of St. Victor, “De sacramentis Christianae fidei,” Patrologia Latina 176 (Paris 1854) 319–321 (I:9)Google Scholar. Paraphrase by Asad, Talal, “On Ritual and Discipline in Medieval Christian Monasticism,” Economy and Society 16, no. 2 (1987), 183.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

² Asad, “On Ritual,” 159–203.

³ Sonntag, Jörg, Klosterleben im Spiegel des Zeichenhaften: Symbolisches Denken und Handeln hochmittelalterlicher Mönche zwischen Dauer und Wandel, Regel und Gewohnheit (Berlin: Lit, 2008), 395–396.Google Scholar

⁴ A few examples of this fundamental duality can be found in de Jong, Mayke, “Pollution, Penance and Sanctity: Ekkehard's Life of Iso of St Gall,” in The Community, the Family and the Saint: Patterns of Power in Early Medieval Europe, eds. Hill, Joyce and Swan, Mary (Turnhout: Brepols, 1998), 145–158CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Rapp, Claudia, “Spiritual Guarantors at Penance, Baptism, and Ordination in the Late Antique East,” in A New History of Penance, ed. Firey, Abigail (Leiden, Netherlands: Brill, 2007) 121–148Google Scholar; Tanner, Norman, The Ages of Faith: Popular Religion in Late Medieval England and Western Europe (London: I.B. Tauris, 2008), 179.Google Scholar

⁵ Sonntag, Klosterleben, 402–442, esp. 424–427.

⁶ The manuscript is not included in Van den Gheyn, Catalogue des Manuscrits de la Bibliothèque Royale de Belgique (Brussels: Lamertin, 1901–1948)Google Scholar or the monastery's extant booklists (Corpus catalogorum Belgii: The Medieval Booklists of the Southern Low Countries, vol. 2: Provinces of Liège, Luxemburg and Namur, ed. Derolez, Albert, Victor, Benjamin, and Reynhout, Lucien [Brussels: Paleis der Academiën, 1994], 111–125).Google Scholar

⁷ Brussels RL 9361–9367 (II) is dated in the early or mid-eleventh century by Silvestre, Hubert, “Notes sur les manuscrits de Bruxelles du De conflictu vitiorum atque virtutum d'Ambroise Autpert,” in Calames et Cahiers: Mélanges de codicologie et de paléographie offerts à Léon Gilissen, ed. Lemaire, J. and É. Balberghe, Van (Brussels: Centre d'étude des manuscrits, 1985), 165 and to 1076–1100Google Scholar by the Bollandists (Bibliotheca Hagiographica Latina Manuscripta: Index analytique des Catalogues de manuscrits hagiographiques latins publiés par les Bollandistes [BHLms], http://bhlms.fltr.ucl.ac.be/). The script is similar to that of St. Laurent manuscripts produced around the late eleventh century.

⁸ Corpus, 2:108; Silvestre, “Notes,” 165n25.

⁹ Douai, BM, 871 (Anchin, first half of the twelfth century).

¹⁰ De conflictu is partially preserved in Brussels RL 8344–46 and Brussels RL 20716–19 (Silvestre, “Notes,” 162–163 and 165–166). Isidore's Synonyma is preserved in Brussels RL 9875–80, which was produced between 1092 and 1095, according to Lapière, Marie-Rose, La lettre orneé dans les manuscrits mosans d'origine bénédictine (XI^e–XII^e siècles) (Paris: Société d'éditions Les Belles lettres, 1981), 125.Google Scholar

¹¹ Snijders, Tjamke, “Rewriting Hagiography in High Medieval Monasteries: Towards a Quantitative Approach,” in Between Stability and Transformation: Textual Traditions in the Medieval Netherlands, eds. Desplenter, Youri, Gabriël, Renée, and Oosterman, Johan (Ghent: forthcoming, 2013).Google Scholar

¹² Gameson, Richard, “‘Signed’ Manuscripts from Early Romanesque Flanders: Saint-Bertin and Saint-Vaast,” in Pen in Hand: Medieval Scribal Portraits, Colophons and Tools, ed. Gullick, Michael (Walkern, U.K.: Red Gull Press, 2006), 69Google Scholar; Gehrke, Pamela, Saints and Scribes: Medieval Hagiography in its Manuscript Context (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1993), 3.Google Scholar

¹³ Isidori Hispalensis Episcopi Synonyma. Corpus Christianorum Series Latina 111b, ed. Elfassi, Jacques (Turnhout: Brepols, 2009).Google Scholar

¹⁴ Fontaine, Jacques, “Isidore de Séville auteur ‘ascétique’: Les énigmes des Synonyma,” Studi medievali ser. 3, vol. 6, no. 1 (1965): 173–184Google Scholar; idem, “Pénitence publique et conversion personelle: l'apport d'Isidore de Séville à l'évolution médiévale de la pénitence,” Revue de droit canonique 28 (1978): 151–152.Google Scholar

¹⁵ The dialogue is between “Ratio” and “Anima,” often translated as “Reason” and “Man.” Yet the scribe from Brussels RL 9361–9367 (II) clearly intended “Anima” to be understood as “Soul,” because he corrected himself when he mislabeled “Anima” as “Homo” on fol. 90r.

¹⁶ Fontaine, “Isidore de Séville,” 170–173.

¹⁷ Di Sciacca, Claudia, Finding the Right Words: Isidore's “Synonyma” in Anglo-Saxon England (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 2008), 18–20CrossRefGoogle Scholar, 34–35, and 174 notes that it was unusual for such compilations to be copied and to acquire a “tradition.” See also Elfassi, Jacques, “Les deux recensions des Synonyma,” in L'édition critique des oeuvres d'Isidore de Séville: Les recensions multiples. Actes du colloque organisé à la Casa de Velázquez et à l'Université Rey Juan Carlos de Madrid (14–15 janvier 2002), eds. Sanz, A. Andrés, Elfassi, J., and Martín, J. C. (Paris: Institut d'Études Augustiniennes, 2008), 153–184Google Scholar; and Isidore of Seville, Synonyma, xxiii–lviii.

¹⁸ Brussels RL 9361–9367 (II), fol. 89r; see Isidore of Seville, Synonyma, 45–46 (ch. 1:56).

¹⁹ Brussels RL 9361–9367 (II), fols. 89v–90r; see Isidore of Seville, Synonyma, 53, 55, 56–57, 59 (ch. 1:67, 1:69, 1:71 and 1:72).

²⁰ Brussels RL 9361–9367 (II), fol. 90v; see Isidore of Seville, Synonyma, 134–137, 139 (ch. 2:87–88, 2:90, 2:93).

²¹ Brussels RL 9361–9367 (II), fol. 90v; see Isidore of Seville, Synonyma, 140 (ch. 2:94).

²² Autpertus, Ambrosius, Libellus de conflictu vitiorum atque virtutum, ed. Weber, R., Ambrosius Autpertus, Opera III. Corpus Christianorum Continuatio Mediaevalis 27b (Turnhout: Brepols, 1979), 909–931Google Scholar. Over the years, the dialogue has also been ascribed to various other authors. See Silvestre, “Notes,” 161.

²³ This is a common medieval thought, stemming from Ecclesiasticus/Sirach 10:13 (sometimes 10:15): “Quoniam initium omnis peccati est superbia.”

²⁴ Brussels RL 9361–9367 (II), fol. 91r; see Ambrosius Autpertus, De conflictu, 910 (ch. 2).

²⁵ Brussels RL 9361–9367 (II), fol. 96r–v; Ambrosius Autpertus, De conflictu, 929–930 (ch. 28).

²⁶ Life of Euphrosina, ed. AASS Jan. 2 (Antwerp 1643), 712–722.

²⁷ Life of Paula, Corpus Scriptorum Ecclesiasticorum Latinorum LV: S. Eusebii Hieronymi opera—epistulae LXXI–CXX, ed. Isidorus Hilberg (Vienna and Leipzig 1922), 306–351 (letter 108).

²⁸ Ibid., 306 (ch. 1).

²⁹ Ibid., 309 (ch. 3); Paula's Abraham-like exile is discussed in Cain, Andrew, “Jerome's Epitaphium Paulae: Hagiography, Pilgrimage, and the Cult of Saint Paula,” Journal of Early Christian Studies 18, vol. 1 (2010): 105–139, esp. 120.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

³⁰ Life of Mary of Egypt, ed. AASS Apr. I (Antwerp 1675), 76–83.

³¹ Karras, Ruth Mazo, “Holy Harlots: Prostitute Saints in Medieval Legend,” Journal of the History of Sexuality 1, no. 1 (1970), 3, 7, 30–32.Google Scholar

³² Life of Theophilus by Paulus Diaconus, ed. AASS Feb. 1 (Antwerp 1658), 483–484. See Gier, Albert, Der Sünder als Beispiel: Zu Gestalt und Funktion hagiographischer Gebrauchstexte anhand der Theophiluslegende (Frankfurt am Main: P. Lang, 1977), 208–209, 333–335.Google Scholar

³³ Brussels RL 9361–9367 (II), fol. 105r; Life of Theophilus, 486 (ch. 15–16).

³⁴ Gier, Der Sünder als Beispiel, 344–347.

³⁵ Douai, BM, 871, fol. 155v.

³⁶ Gier, Der Sünder als Beispiel, 255, 271, and 342. From the twelfth century onward, the focus would normally lie on the role of the Jew in corrupting Theophilus and the grace of Mary in saving him. A reading from the point of view of ambitio was more common in the preceding centuries and never disappeared completely. See Patton, Pamela Anne, “Constructing the Inimical Jew in the Cantigas de Santa Maria: Theophilus's Magician in Text and Image,” Beyond the Yellow Badge: Anti-Judaism and Antisemitism in Medieval and Early Modern Visual Culture, ed. Merback, Mitchell B. (Leiden, Netherlands: Brill, 2008), 242–252Google Scholar; also Cothren, Michael W., “The Iconography of Theophilus Windows in the First Half of the Thirteenth Century,” Speculum 59, no. 2 (1984), 308–341.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

³⁷ Life of Mary of Egypt, 77.

³⁸ Among the abundant literature, see Hamilton, Sarah, “Penance in the Age of Gregorian Reform,” Retribution, Repentance, and Reconciliation, eds. Cooper, Kate and Gregory, Jeremy (Woodbridge, U.K.: Ecclesiastical History Society and Boydell Press, 2004), 47–73, esp. 49–51.Google Scholar

³⁹ A tenth-century example is the Romano-German pontifical discussed in ibid., 61.

⁴⁰ Berlière, Ursmer, “Abbaye de Saint-Laurent à Liège,” Monasticon Belge 2 (Maredsous 1928), 32–57Google Scholar; and idem, “L'abbaye de Saint-Laurent de Liège,” Revue bénédictine 7 (1890), 13–26.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

⁴¹ Berlière, Ursmer, “Abbaye de Florennes,” Monasticon Belge 1 (Maredsous: Abbaye de Marsedsous, 1890–1897), 8.Google Scholar

⁴² Ursmer Berlière, “Abbaye de Saint-Gérard,” Monasticon Belge 1:31.

⁴³ Pieyns-Rigo, Paulette, “Abbaye de Saint-Trond,” Monasticon Belge 6 (Liège: Centre national de recherches d'histoire religieuse, 1976), 37–38.Google Scholar

⁴⁴ Despy-Meyer, Andrée and Dupont, P. P., “Abbaye de Saint-Hubert,” Monasticon Belge 5 (Liège: Centre national de recherches d'histoire religieuse, 1975), 37–38.Google Scholar

⁴⁵ Cantatorium, ed. Hanquet, Karl, La chronique de Saint-Hubert dite Cantatorium (Brussels: Hayez, 1906)Google Scholar. The translation by A. L. P. de Robaulx de Soumoy, Chronique de l'abbaye de St. Hubert dite Cantatorium (Brussels: Meline & Cans, 1847; repr. Brussels: Editions Culture et Civilsation, 1982) used different chapter numbers from Hanquet and the edition in the MGH SS 8 (Hannover: Impensis bibliopolii Haniani, 1848), 565–630; we follow Hanquet's numbering.

⁴⁶ Karl Hanquet, “Introduction,” Cantatorium, vi; idem, “L'auteur de la Chronique de Saint-Hubert, du second livre du Miracula Sancti Huberti et du Vita Theoderici. Réponse à M. Cauchie,” Compte rendu des séances de la Commission Royale d'Histoire, ou: recueil de ses bulletins, ser. 5, vol. 11 (1901), 477–516.Google Scholar

⁴⁷ van Engen, John, Rupert of Deutz (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1983), 25.Google Scholar

⁴⁸ Cantatorium, 88–89 (ch. 29).

⁴⁹ The episode is described in (among others) Cauchie, Alfred, La querelle des investitures dans les diocèses de Liège et de Cambrai, vol. 2 (Louvain: C. Peeters, 1890), 7–8 and 45 onwardGoogle Scholar; Van Engen, Rupert of Deutz, 27–30; Seibert, Hubertus, Abtserhebungen zwischen Rechtsnorm und Rechtswirklichkeit: Formen der Nachfolgeregelung in lothringischen und schwäbischen Klöstern der Salierzeit (1024–1125) (Mainz, Germany: Selbstverlag der Gesellschaft für Mittelrheinische Kirchengeschichte, 1995), 350–377.Google Scholar

⁵⁰ Cantatorium, 154–166 (ch. 69–70). The monetary scenario is detailed in the Chronicon Sancti Laurentii, ed. Wilhelm Wattenbach, MGH SS 8 (Hannover: Impensis bibliopolii Hahiani, 1848), 277; and its credibility is discussed in Cauchie, La querelle 1:9–16; and Van Engen, Rupert of Deutz, 28.

⁵¹ Cantatorium, 157 (ch. 70).

⁵² Cottineau, L. H., Répertoire topo-bibliographique des abbayes et prieurés (Maçon: Protat, 1939), 1087.Google Scholar

⁵³ The Cantatorium does not state clearly whether all of the monks eventually left St. Laurent, yet this is suggested in Rupert of Deutz, Carmina, ed. Wegener, M., MGH Libelli de lite imperatorum et pontificum 3 (Hannover: Impensis bibliopolii Hahniani, 1897), 622–641Google Scholar, here 636–637 (ch. 10). The fifteenth-century Chronicon at 278 reports that discord grew among the monks who stayed behind and that in the end they all left St. Laurent.

⁵⁴ Cantatorium, 157–159 (ch. 70); see also Arduini, Maria Lodovica, Non fabula sed res: Politische Dichtung und dramatische Gestalt in den Carmina Ruperts von Deutz (Rome: Edizioni di storia e letteratura, 1985), 101–108.Google Scholar

⁵⁵ Cantatorium, 158–161 (ch. 70).

⁵⁶ Ibid., 164–165 (ch. 70).

⁵⁷ Ibid., 165 (ch. 70).

⁵⁸ Carmina, 622–641; see Arduini, Non Fabula, 39–74. The most comprehensive discussion of Rupert's work and career is in Van Engen, Rupert of Deutz.

⁵⁹ Cauchie, La querelle 1:65–66; and Patzold, Steffen, Konflikte im Kloster: Studien zu Auseinandersetzungen in monastischen Gemeinschaften des ottonisch-salischen Reichs (Husum, Germany: Matthiesen, 2000), 73.Google Scholar

⁶⁰ Cantatorium, 186–187 (ch. 77); a letter from Pope Urban II to Berenger warns him not to rely on the possibility of “H” (that is, Emperor Henry IV) taking care of things. See J.-P. Migne, PL 151 (Paris, 1849–1855), 395–397; Van Engen, Rupert of Deutz, 29; Seibert, Abtserhebungen, 282–290 and 355n702.

⁶¹ Cantatorium, 194–197 (ch. 78); also Cauchie, La querelle 1:76–77.

⁶² Cantatorium, 197–198 (ch. 79). There are no contemporary sources from St. Laurent that describe Berenger's reaction and the subsequent events.

⁶³ Cantatorium, 198 (ch. 79): “assumens secum quosdam suorum properavit Leodium.” “Quosdam suorum” probably refers to those who had earlier agreed to accompany Berenger to Otbert for a formal meeting (Cantatorium, 188–191 [ch. 77]). Alternatively, it could refer to monks of St. Laurent, indicating that a part of Berenger's community supported his decision, whereas (as we shall see) others strongly opposed it.

⁶⁴ Cantatorium, 197–198 (ch. 79).

⁶⁵ Ibid., 198 (ch. 80).

⁶⁶ De Vogüé, Adalbert and Neufville, Jean, eds., La règle de Saint-Benoît (Paris: Éditions du Cerf, 1972), 452–454 (ch. 3).Google Scholar

⁶⁷ De gloria et honore filii hominis super Mattheum, ed. Haacke, H., Corpus Christianorum Continuatio Mediaevalis 29 (Turnhout: Brepols, 1979), 381; see Van Engen, Rupert of Deutz, 38–42.Google Scholar

⁶⁸ As is clear from Berenger's defense in the Cantatorium, 198 (ch. 79). Much the same accusation was levelled against Lambert when he accepted the abbacy of Florennes, “victus cupiditate ambitionis,” and Wired when he succeeded Thierry II in St. Hubert at the request of Otbert and Berenger, “nimis ambitioso et inconsiderate gloriam propriam querenti.” Cantatorium, 165 and 227 (ch. 70 and 90).

⁶⁹ Cantatorium, 198 (ch. 79).

⁷⁰ Lindsay Bryan, “Vae mundo a scandalis”: The Sin of Scandal in Medieval England (PhD dissertation, University of Toronto, 1998), ii, 38. This definition remained in place until the end of the fourteenth century, when “scandal” started referring to a person's individual reputation as a synonym of “shame,” “disgrace,” or “gossip.”

⁷¹ de Jong, Mayke B., The Penitential State: Authority and Atonement in the Age of Louis the Pious, 814–840 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2009), esp. 121, 152, and 232–238.Google Scholar

⁷² de Jong, Mayke B., “Pollution, Penance and Sanctity: Ekkehard's Life of Iso of St Gall,” in The Community, the Family and the Saint: Patterns of Power in Early Medieval Europe, eds. Hill, Joyce and Swan, Mary (Turnhout: Brepols, 1998), 149Google Scholar; Moeglin, Jean-Marie, “Pénitence publique et amende honorable au Moyen Âge,” Revue Historique 604 (1997): 234–235Google Scholar; and Bryan, “Vae mundo a scandalis.” Hamilton, Sarah, The Practice of Penance, 900–1050 (Suffolk, U.K.: Royal Historical Society: Boydell Press, 2001)Google Scholar has argued that public penance remained popular in this period, although its boundaries with more private forms of penance were muddied.

⁷³ Moeglin, “Pénitence publique,” 235. It should be noted that this penance could very well be (semi-) voluntary, in contrast to the ritual of deditio (see Althoff, Gert, “Das Privileg der ‘deditio’: Formen gütlicher Konfliktbeendigung in der mittelalterlichen Adelsgesellschaft,” in Spielregeln der Politik im Mittelalter, ed. Althoff, Gert (Darmstadt: Primus, 1997), 99–125).Google Scholar

⁷⁴ Famous examples from the region with which this paper is concerned can be found in Folcuin's Gesta or Deeds of the abbots of Lobbes, ed. Georg H. Pertz, MGH SS 4 (Hannover: Impensis bibliopolii Hahniani, 1841), 68; and the Life of Poppo of Stavelot, ed. Georg H. Pertz, MGH SS 11 (Hannover : Impensis bibliopolii Hahniani, 1854), 303.

⁷⁵ Silvestre, Hubert, Le “Chronicon Sancti Laurentii Leodiensis,” dit de Rupert de Deutz (Louvain: Publications universitaires, 1952)Google Scholar; van Engen, John, “Rupert von Deutz und das sogenannte Chronicon sancti Laurentii Leodiensis: Zur Geschichte des Investiturstreites in Lüttich,” Deutsches Archiv für Erforschung des Mittelalters 35 (1979), 33–81Google Scholar; Silvestre, “Rupert de Deutz a-t-il rédigé, au début de sa carrière, un recueil de réflexions pieuses sur l'histoire de l'abbaye liégeoise de St-Laurent?” Revue d'histoire ecclésiastique 77, no. 3–4 (1982): 365–395Google Scholar; idem, “Que nous apprend Renier de St. Laurent sur Rupert de Deutz?” Sacris Erudiri 25 (1982): 49–97.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

⁷⁶ Chronicon, 279 (ch. 50).

⁷⁷ De ineptiis cuiusdam idiotae, 593–603.

⁷⁸ Carmina 622–641; Arduini, Non fabula sed res, 43–49.

⁷⁹ Cantatorium, 96 (ch. 35); see Berlière, “Abbaye de Saint-Laurent,” 37.

⁸⁰ For example, Otbert sends Berenger and the archdeacon Henry to St. Hubert to manage the abbey “as if it had no abbot,” but Berenger returns to tell Otbert that Thierry II had returned to the abbacy (Cantatorium, 200 [ch. 81]). Somewhat later, both Thierry II and Otbert offer the abbacy of St. Hubert to Berenger, who refuses because the monks from St. Hubert are far from enthusiastic. Asked by Otbert to name someone else, Berenger suggests Wired, but also recommends that the monks of St. Hubert be consulted (Ibid., 213–215 [ch. 85–86]; also see 220–221 [ch. 89]). In this way, Berenger deftly navigates between the demands of Otbert and those of St. Hubert.

⁸¹ As Wiech, Martina (Das Amt des Abtes im Konflikt: Studien zu den Auseinandersetzungen um Äbte früh- und hochmittelalterlicher Klöster unter besonderer Berücksichtigung des Bodenseegebiets [Siegburg, Germany: Verlag F. Schmitt, 1999], 379)Google Scholar notes, conflicts between an abbot and his convent only appear in the sources when they became public knowledge through, for example, a complaint by one of the parties.

⁸² The Life of Theophilus would only become widely popular in this region during the twelfth century. See Gier, Der Sünder als Beispiel and BHLms, http://bhlms.fltr.ucl.ac.be.

⁸³ Moeglin, “Pénitence publique,” 234.

⁸⁴ Cf. infra.

⁸⁵ He twice diverged from this pattern by mistake (fols. 89v and 90r). This, incidentally, indicates that he was copying a manuscript that was not laid out in a similar semi-theatrical manner.

⁸⁶ Brussels RL 9361–9367, fol. 91r–v.

⁸⁷ Other examples of words with acute accents are “ó anima” and “formído” on fol. 89r, “cónficis” and “éxcidit” on fol. 93r, “reláberis” on fol. 93v, “domolíta” on 103v, “invenítur” on fols. 89r, 89v, 92v, and so forth.

⁸⁸ Symes, Carol, “The Appearance of Early Vernacular Plays: Forms, Functions, and the Future of Medieval Theater,” Speculum 77, vol. 3 (2002), esp. 825, 829–830CrossRefGoogle Scholar, contains the quote from Runnalls. Symes notes the irony that texts which were carefully provided with rubrics to facilitate performance are usually dismissed as didactic or “semi-theatrical.” She also notes that (vernacular) plays before 1300 are always presented as “organic to their manuscript surroundings, suggesting in turn that drama was not categorically removed from worship or daily life” (794). See also Norma Kroll, “Power and Conflict in Medieval Ritual and Plays: The Re-Invention of Drama,” Studies in Philology 102, no. 4 (2005): 466–473.

⁸⁹ Philippart, Guy, Les légendiers latins et autres manuscrits hagiographiques (Turnhout: Brepols, 1977), 112–118.Google Scholar

⁹⁰ Snijders, Tjamke, “Celebrating with Dignity: The Purpose of Benedictine Matins Readings,” in Understanding Monastic Practices of Oral Communication (Western Europe, Tenth–Thirteenth Centuries), ed. Vanderputten, Steven (Turnhout: Brepols, 2011), 121.Google Scholar

⁹¹ Sonntag, Klosterleben, 388–389.

⁹² Ibid., 375; Hamilton, “Penance,” 54–56.

⁹³ See for example the Redactio Fuldensis-Trevirensis in Corpus Consuetudinum Monasticarum, eds. Wegener, Maria, Elvert, Candida and Hallinger, Kassius, vol. VII, no. 3, Consuetudinum saeculi X/XI/XII, monumenta non-Cluniacensia (Siegburg: Franciscum Schmitt success, 1984)Google Scholar, 280 (VI, 17); also Sonntag, Klosterleben, 413 and 419–420.

⁹⁴ Hughes, Andrew, Medieval Manuscripts for Mass and Office: A Guide to their Organization and Terminology (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1982), 14–20Google Scholar; Hamilton, The Practice, 86.

⁹⁵ Martimort, A. G., Les lectures liturgiques et leurs livres (Turnhout: Brepols, 1992), 100–101.Google Scholar

⁹⁶ Nebbiae-Dalla Guarda, “Les listes,” 283–288.

⁹⁷ Hughes, Medieval Manuscripts, 18.

⁹⁸ Sonntag, Klosterleben, 399–419.

⁹⁹ Lanfranc suggests that a designated lector took care of the first readings, but that the abbot himself gave the sermon (The Monastic Constitutions of Lanfranc, ed. Knowles, David and Brooke, Christopher N. L. (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2002)Google Scholar, 164n370. See also the Life of Benedict of Aniane, ed. Georg Waitz, MGH SS 15 (Hannover: Impensis bibliopolii Hahniani, 1887), at 216–217; and the meetings described in the Cantatorium, 173 (ch. 72), 178 (ch. 73 and 75), 199 (ch. 80), 226 (ch. 89).

¹⁰⁰ Sonntag, Klosterleben, 440–442.

¹⁰¹ De Jong, The Penitential State, 231.

¹⁰² For example, ibid., 269.

¹⁰³ Ibid., 240–241; see also Booker, Courtney M., Past Convictions: The Penance of Louis the Pious and the Decline of the Carolingians (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 2009), esp. 146–149.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

¹⁰⁴ Booker, Past Convictions, 224–229.

¹⁰⁵ Rapp, “Spiritual Guarantors at Penance,” 144–145.

¹⁰⁶ Simon of Ghent, Gesta abbatum Sithiensium, ed. Holder-Egger, Oswald, MGH SS 13 (Hannover 1881), 636–637Google Scholar; see Vanderputten, Steven, “Individual Experience, Collective Remembrance, and the Politics of Monastic Reform in High Medieval Flanders,” Early Medieval Europe 20 (2012): 70–89.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

¹⁰⁷ Valenciennes BM 502. See Abou-El-Haj, Barbara, The Medieval Cult of Saints: Formations and Transformations (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1994), 62–63.Google Scholar

¹⁰⁸ Namur, Musée des Arts anciens, 5.

¹⁰⁹ Darmstadt, Universitäts- und Landesbibliothek, 2777.

¹¹⁰ Brussels RL 21860.

¹¹¹ See Patzold, Konflikte.

¹¹² Brown, Warren C. and Górecki, Piotr, “What Conflict Means: The Making of Medieval Conflict Studies in the United States, 1970–2000,” in Conflict in Medieval Europe: Changing Perspectives on Society and Culture, eds. Brown, Warren Curtis and Górecki, Piotr (Aldershot, U.K.: Ashgate, 2003), 1–35Google Scholar; and by the same authors, “Where Conflict Leads: On the Present and Future of Medieval Conflict Studies in the United States,” in Conflict in Medieval Europe, 265–285. For further reading, see, among many others, White, Stephen D., “From Peace to Power: The Study of Disputes in Medieval France,” Medieval Transformations: Texts, Power, and Gifts in Context, eds. Cohen, Esther and de Jong, Mayke B. (Leiden, Netherlands, Brill, 2001), 203–218CrossRefGoogle Scholar, reprinted in Feuding and Peace-Making in Eleventh-Century France (Aldershot, U.K.: Ashgate, 2005), 1–14Google Scholar (article 8); Geary, Patrick, “Moral Obligations and Peer Pressure: Conflict Resolution in the Medieval Aristocracy,” in Georges Duby: L'écriture de l'histoire, eds. Duhamel-Amado, Claudie and Lobrichon, Guy (Brussels: De Boeck Université, 1996), 217–222Google Scholar; and Vanderputten, Steven, “Monks, Knights, and the Enactment of Competing Social Realities in Eleventh- and Early-Twelfth-Century Flanders,” Speculum 84, no. 3 (2009): 582–612.CrossRefGoogle Scholar