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^2. Real and symbolic meals such as Seder and the Eucharist are but two highly significant instances of eating as a religious occasion in western Judeo-Christian tradition. See Feeley-Harnik, Gillian, The Lord's Table: The Meaning of Food in Early Judaism and Christianity (Washington, D.C.: Smithsonian Institution, 1981)CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

^3. The present essay confines itself to an examination of fasting among Reformed Protestants in France and, to a lesser extent, other areas in Western Europe where Calvin's views were a major inspiration. Analysis does not extend to the Zwinglian part of the Reformed tradition.

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^5. Todd, Margo, The Culture of Protestantism in Early Modern Scotland (New Haven, Conn.: Yale University Press, 2002), 93–94, 98Google Scholar; Schmidt, Leigh Eric, Holy Fairs: Scotland and the Making of American Revivalism, 2nd ed. (Grand Rapids, Mich.: Eerdmans, 2001), 19, 28.Google Scholar

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^8. Brown, Peter, The Body and Society: Men, Women and Sexual Renunciation in Early Christianity (New York: Columbia University Press, 1988), 220–25Google Scholar; Shaw, Teresa M., The Burden of the Flesh: Fasting and Sexuality in Early Christianity (Minneapolis, Minn.: Fortress, 1998), 79–128.Google Scholar

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^10. Bynum, Carolyn W., Holy Feast and Holy Famine: The Religious Significance of Food to Medieval Women (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1987)Google Scholar.

^11. Roper, Lyndal, The Holy Household: Women and Morals in Reformation Augsburg (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1989).Google Scholar

^12. Garrisson, Janine, Protestants du Midi, 1559–1598 (Toulouse: Privat, 1980), 252–55, and 291–316Google Scholar. For similar developments in Lutheranism and Protestantism generally, see Karant-Nunn, Susan C., The Reformation of Ritual: An Interpretation of Early Modern Germany (London: Routledge, 1997), 39–42Google Scholar; and Roper, Lyndal, “Drinking, Whoring and Gorging: Brutish Indiscipline and the Formation of Protestant Identity,” in Oedipus and the Devil: Witchcraft, Sexuality and Religion in Early Modern Europe (London: Routledge, 1994), 145–67.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

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^14. Mentzer, Raymond A., “Les débats sur les banes dans les Églises réformées de France,” BSHPF 152:3 (2006): 393–406.Google Scholar

^15. In the mid-seventeenth century, the Church of Castres reminded men to remove their hats when singing the psalms; women were not to fan themselves in hot weather; and during prayer everyone was to sit, not kneel: Tarn, I 1, p. 166, Archives Départementales (hereafter AD), Albi.

^16. Luther, Martin, The Freedom of the Christian, in Luther's Works, 55 vols., ed. Jaroslav, Pelikan and Lehmann, Helmut T. (Saint Louis, Mo.: Concordia, 1955–1986), 31:372Google Scholar. I am grateful to Professor Forrest Clingerman of Ohio Northern University for calling my attention to these references from Luther and Zwingli.

^17. Luther's Works, 44:184.

^18. Noll, Mark A., ed., Confessions and Catechisms of the Reformation (Grand Rapids, Mich.: Baker, 1991), 108.Google Scholar

^19. Zwingli, Ulrich, “Concerning Choice and Liberty Respecting Food,” in Early Writings, ed. Jackson, Samuel M (1912; reprint Durham, N.C.: Labyrinth, 1987), 110.Google Scholar

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^21. Calvin, John, Commentarii in Isaiam prophetam, in Calvini Opera, 37Google Scholar: col. 325–29; Calvin, John, Commentary on the Book of the Prophet Isaiah, trans. Pringle, William (Edinburgh, 1843; reprint Grand Rapids, Mich.: Baker, 1996), 4:227–32.Google Scholar

^22. The greater part of this discussion was added to the Institutes in 1543 several years after Calvin's return from Strasbourg to Geneva, and was very much within the context of setting up the church in Geneva.

^23. Calvin, Inst. 4.12.16; Calvin, John, Institution de la religion chrétienne, 4.10.29, 4.12.14, 17, and 19Google Scholar, in Calvini Opera, 4: col. 835–36; Calvin, John, Institutes of the Christian Religion, 2 vols., ed. McNeill, John T., trans. Battles, Ford Lewis (Philadelphia, Pa.: Westminster, 1960), 2:1242.Google Scholar

^24. Calvin, Inst. 3.3.17; Calvini Opera, 4: col. 89–90; Calvin, , Institutes, ed. McNeill, 1:611.Google Scholar

^25. Félice, , Les protestants d'autrefois, 158.Google Scholar

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^27. Calvin, Inst. 4.10.29, 4.12.14, 4.12.17–19; Calvini Opera, 4: col. 792–93, 834–35, 836–37, and 838–39; Calvin, , Institutes, ed. McNeil, 2:1206–7, 1241, 1243–46.Google Scholar

^28. Calvin, Inst. 4.12.17, and 19; 4.13.7; Calvini Opera, 4: col. 836–37, 838–39, and 859; Calvin, , Institutes, ed. McNeill, 2:1243–46, 1260–61.Google Scholar

^29. Thomson, George, La desroute de la chasse du loup cervier ou, refutation du traicté du jeusne, fait par maistre René le Corvaisier, soi disant theologien de la faculté de Paris (La Rochelle: Les Heritiers de Hierosme Haultin, 1612), 12, and 87.Google Scholar

^30. Daillé, Jean, Sermon de Jean Daillé sur l'Apocalypse, chap. II, vers. 5, prononcé a Charenton le vendredy 19 d'avril 1658, jour de jeusne (Paris: Samuel Perier, 1658), 4–7Google Scholar; Drelincourt, Charles, Exhortation au jusne el à la repentance avec des prieres pour demander à Dieu la sanctification du jusne, et la remission des pechez (Charenton: Samuel Perier, 1680), 6–7Google Scholar. In eighteenth-century New England, Jonathan Edwards and others noted a connection between fasting, prayer, and ecstatic religious experience: Taves, Ann, Fits, Trances, and Visions: Experiencing Religion and Explaining Experience from Wesley to James (Princeton, N.J.: Princeton University Press, 1999), 67, and 408, n. 128.Google Scholar

^31. Calvin, Inst. 4.12.14; Calvini Opera, 4: col. 834–35; Calvin, , Institutes, ed. McNeill, 2:1241.Google Scholar

^32. Calvin, Inst. 4.3.12, 4.12.15; Calvini Opera, 4: col. 627, and 835; Calvin, , Institutes, ed. McNeill, 2:1064, 1242.Google Scholar

^33. Calvin, Inst. 4.12.14; Calvini Opera, 4: col. 834–35; Calvin, , Institutes, ed. McNeill, 2:1241.Google Scholar

^34. Calvin, Inst. 4.12.15, 4.12.17–18; Calvini Opera, 4: col. 835, and 836–38; Calvin, Institutes, ed. McNeill, 2:1242–44.

^35. Calvin, Inst. 3.4.11; Calvini Opera, 4: col. 117–18; Calvin, , Institutes, ed. McNeill, 1:635.Google Scholar

^36. Douglas, Mary, Natural Symbols, 71.Google Scholar

^37. Mellor, Philip A. and Shilling, Chris, Re-forming the Body: Religion, Community and Modernity (London: Sage, 1997), 9–14, 22–24, 35–62, and 98–103Google Scholar. The best recent discussion of early modern theological views of the Eucharist and understandings of the body is Wandel, Lee Palmer, The Eucharist in the Reformation: Incarnation and Liturgy (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2006)Google Scholar.

^38. Isaac Casaubon, Ephémérides, cited in Lehr, Henri, “Les deux temples de l'Église Réformée de Paris sous l'Édit de Nantes,” BSHPF 2:3 (1853): 265.Google Scholar

^39. Ms fr 8666, fols. 49, 114, 128v, 140, 179, Bibliothèque Nationale, Paris.

^40. The Church of Scotland, to borrow a Reformed example from the British Isles, frequently held fasts on Sundays: Todd, , The Culture of Protestantism in Early Modern Scotland, 28, 36, 145, 160, and 174.Google Scholar

^41. “Une page des Ephémérides de Casaubon,” BSHPF 4:4 (1856): 515–16Google Scholar. The event occurred on April 18, 1599, the Sunday following Easter. French Reformed churches celebrated the Lord's Supper four times each year—Easter, Pentecost, early September, and Christmas—and usually on two successive Sundays in order to accommodate the entire congregation in a service that would not be unduly long.

^42. Yves Guéneau, Protestants du centre, 1598–1685 (ancienne province synodale d' Orleanais Berry): Approches d'une minorité (Thèse de doctorat, Université François Rabelais de Tours, 1982), 309; “Extraits du premier registre consistorial de Rochechouart, 1596–1635,” in Documents historiques bas-latins, provençaux et français concernant principalement la Marche et le Limousin, 2 vols., ed. Alfred Leroux, Emile Molinier, and Antoine Thomas (Limoges: Ducourtieux, 1883–1885), 2:111.Google Scholar

^43. Amyraut, Moïse, Apologie pour ceux de la religion (Paris: Samuel Petit, 1648), 297.Google Scholar

^44. Méjan, François, Discipline de I' Église réformée de France annotee et précéedée d'une introduction historique (Paris: Editions ‘Je Sers,’ 1947), 304.Google Scholar

^45. Ibid. 259; Aymon, Jean, Tous les synodes nationaux des Églises réformées de France, 2 vols. (The Hague: Charles Delo, 1710), 1:79, 163Google Scholar; Quick, John, Synodicon in Gallia Reformata or the Acts, Decisions, Decrees, and Canons of those Famous National Councils of the Reformed Churches in France, 2 vols. (London: T. Parkhurst and J. Robinson, 1692), 1:73, 148.Google Scholar

^46. Thomson, , La deswute de la chasse, 12.Google Scholar

^47. Ms A 1, fols. 35–35v, 41, Musée du Protestantisme Dauphinois, Le Poët-Laval; Ms 654, 180–81, Bibliothèque de la Société de l'Histoire du Protestantisme Français (hereafter BPF), Paris.

^48. Calvini Opera, 31: col. 663–73. Calvin also commented or, more accurately, lectured on Joel in the Praelectiones in duodecium prophetas minores, in Calvini Opera, 42: col. 515–600.Google Scholar

^49. Ms 654, 146–48, BPF.

^50. Casaubon, Ephémerides, made clear that “Nous nous sommes abstenus de manger et de boire,” cited in Lehr, , “Les deux temples de l'Église Réformée de Paris,” BSHPF 2:3: 265–66.Google Scholar

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^52. Tarn, B 1280, Délibérations du consistoire de Viane, le 22 novembre 1670, AD.

^53. Chevalier, Françhise, Prêcher sous I'Édit de Nantes: La prédication réformée au XVIIe siècle en France (Geneva: Labor et Fides, 1994), 27–29.Google Scholar

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^55. Lehr, , “Les deux temples de l'Église Réformée de Paris,” BSHPF 2:3 (1853): 265–66; 3:4 (1854): 458, 471, 553Google Scholar. Fasts celebrated at Sedan, an independent principality with a francophone if not officially French Reformed church, typically had three lengthy sermons: Ardennes, 31 J 4, fols. 82v, 88, 93, 102v, 168, 192, 197, 227, 235v, Archives Départementales des Ardennes, Chareville-Mezières. For a detailed discussion of the well-known fast at Charenton in April 1628, see Félice, , Les protestants d'autrefois, 168–72Google Scholar. Although there are numerous descriptions of French Reformed fasts by contemporaries, the Reformed Churches of France do not seem to have published an official liturgical handbook for their celebration.

^56. “Ordre qui a esté donné au lecteur pour ce qui devoit estre leu et chanté le jour de Jûne celebré à Charenton le 19 d'avril 1658,” in Acte pour le jusne celebré à Charenton le vendredy 19 d'avril 1658 (Paris: Anthoine Cellier, 1658), 9–15Google Scholar; de Villers, Philippe, Journal d'un voyage à Paris en 1657–1658, ed. Faugère, A. P. (Paris: Benjamin Duprat, 1862), 459.Google Scholar

^57. Daillé, Sermon de jean Daillé sur l'Apocalypse, especially 39–40.

^58. Gaches, Raymond, Sermon sur Jeremie, chapitre III, vers. 22, prononcé à Charenton le vendredy 19 d'avril 1658, jour de jeusne (Paris: Samuel Perier, 1658), especially 20–28, and 41.Google Scholar

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^64. Le Faucheur, Michel, Sermon prononcé le jour du jeusne celebré à Charenton le jeudy 4 may 1645 sur le 66 chap. d'Esaïe v. 2 (Paris: Samuel Petit, 1645).Google Scholar

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^66. Charles-Louis, Frossard, ed., Recueil de réglements extraits des actes des synodes provinciaux tenus dans la province du Bas-Languedoc de 1568 à 1623 (Paris: Grassart, 1885), 53.Google Scholar

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^75. G. Baum, Ed. Cunitz, and Rodolphe, Reuss, ed., Histoire ecclésiastique des églises réformées au royaume de France, 3 vols. (Paris, 1883–1889; reprint Nieuwkoop: B. de Graaf, 1974), 1:120.Google Scholar

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^80. Ms fr 8666, fol 49,179, Bibliothèque Nationale; Étienne Trocmé, “L'Éiglise Réformée de La Rochelle jusqu'en 1628,” BSHPF 98:3 (1952): 179–80.Google Scholar

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^91. Trois sermons prononcez en deux jours de junes, et le troisieme dans une église étrangere, le lendemain d'un jusne (1681?). These three sermons, apparently published and distributed at some risk, give no author, publisher, or place and date of publication.

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^98. Todd, , The Culture of Protestantism in Early Modern Scotland, 87, n. 12, 89, 92–94, 98, 168, 170, 344–46, 348–49Google Scholar; Schmidt, , Holy Fairs, 19, 32–33.Google Scholar

^99. Scots, like their French Reformed counterparts, also fasted prior to the ordination of ministers: Todd, , The Culture of Protestantism in Early Modern Scotland, 386.Google Scholar

^100. Not everyone was pleased in this regard. John Maxwell, the Caroline bishop of Ross who was ousted in 1638, was a bitter opponent of the Presbyterians. He thought that the public fasts were politically oriented and “too frequently” led to “commotion, sedition [and] rebellion”: Maxwell, John, The Burthen of lssachar: or, The Tyrannicall Power and Practises of the Presbyteriall Government in Scotland (n.p., 1646), 36.Google Scholar

^101. Lamont, John, The Diary of Mr. John Lamont of Newton, 1649–1671 (Edinburgh: Maitland Club, 1830), 14.Google Scholar

^102. Ibid., 58.

^103. Todd, , The Culture of Protestantism in Early Modern Scotland, 180–81, 250, 346–52, 357.Google Scholar

^104. Ibid., 183, 222.

^105. Fatio, “Le jeûne genevois,” 434.

^106. Houston, Rab, “The Consistory of the Scots Church, Rotterdam: An Aspect of ‘Civic Calvinism,’ c. 1600–1800,” Archiv für Reformationsgeschichte 87 (1996): 377.Google Scholar

^107. Burlamachi, Fabrice, Sermon fait au jour de jusne celebré par les Eglises Reformées de Daufiné le 3e jour de decembre 1662 sur l'Apocalypse, chapit. III, v. 1, 2, 3 (Geneva: Jean Antoine et Samuel de Tournes, 1663), 55Google Scholar. The public demonstration implicit in the fast is reminiscent of the practice among Parisian Protestants of singing the Psalms while en route to worship at the temple beyond the city walls at Charenton.

^108. Cf. the Lutheran tradition of singing hymns as described by Karant-Nunn, , The Reformation of Ritual, 196.Google Scholar

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^110. Jacques Fontaine, a Huguenot refugee to the British Isles after the Revocation, related that “my father [a pastor in France] was extremely fervent and, consequently, emotionally moving”: Dianne W. Ressinger, ed., Memoirs of the Reverend Jacques Fontaine 1658–1728 (London: The Huguenot Society of Great Britain and Ireland, 1992), 36Google Scholar. On the other hand, it is difficult to imagine that all Reformed preachers evoked similarly strong emotional responses.