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European Positivism and the American Unitarians
Published online by Cambridge University Press: 28 July 2009
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Few movements have been so remarkably transformed within such a short period of time as nineteenth century American Unitarianism. In the 1830s, despite its recently acquired denominational independence, it remained theologically quite close its Congregational ancestry. Its most typical leaders of that period —Orville Dewey, John G. Palfrey, Ezra Stiles Gannett, and Nathaniel L. Frothingham—were all men of gentility and moderation, with little taste for theological revolution. Thus their Unitarianism differed from orthodox New England theology in degree rather than kind and still formed, as one contemporary put it, “the liberal side of the old Congregational body.” Men like Frothingham, who filled the prestigious pulpit of Boston's First Church, continued to believe in a supernatural deity revealed by miracles and divinely inspired Scripture. They placed only limited faith in man. Although not totally depraved, humanity was filled largely with evil and needed divine mediation for salvation. Jesus, who provided this mediation, was described as “the divinely inspired Son of the Father.” The social views of these men, based as they were on the assumption that God had ordained and established the social institutions of the day, were predominantly conservative.3 Within a generation, however, this Old Unitarianism had dissolved. Not everyone changed, of course. Some Conservatives maintained the traditional views until their deaths, but they quickly became a minority as a New Unitarianism emerged.
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References
1. The general framework for this study is based on: Cooke, George Willis, Unitarianism in America (Boston: American Unitarian Association, 1902)Google Scholar; Allen, Joseph Henry, A History of Unitarianism in the United States (New York: Christian Literature Co., 1894)Google Scholar and Our Liberal Movement in Theology (Boston: Roberts Brothers, 1892)Google Scholar; Octavius Frothingham, Brooks, Boston Unitarianism, 1820–1850(New York: G. P. Putnam, 1890)Google Scholar; Wright, Conrad, The Liberal Christians: Essays on American Unitarian History (Boston: Beacon Press, 1970)Google Scholar; Hutchison, William R., The Transcendentalist Ministers: Church Reform in the New England Renaissance (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1959)Google Scholar; Howe, Daniel Walker, The Unitarian Conscience: Harvard Moral Philosophy,1805–1861 (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1970)Google Scholar; Persons, Stow, Free Religion: An American Faith (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1947)Google Scholar; and Warren, Sidney, American Freethought, 1860–1914 (New York: Columbia University Press, 1943).Google Scholar
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5. Ibid., p. 254.
6. The basic works on Comte's influence in the U. S. are Hawkins, Richmond L., Auguste Cointe and the United States, 1816–1853 (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1936)Google Scholar and Positivism in the United States, 1858–1861 (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1938).Google Scholar There is also information in Bernard, Luther Lee and Bernard, Jessie, Origins of American Sociology: The Social Science Movement in the United States (New York: Russell and Russell, 1943), esp. chaps. 9–11.Google Scholar For European baekground see Simon, W. M., European Positivism in the Nineteenth Century (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1963).Google Scholar
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30. Ibid., pp. 201–202.
31. Ibid., pp. 195–196.
32. This paragraph and the one which follows are based on previously unexploited materials on Allen and Comte in the archives of La Maison d'Auguste Comte Association Internationale, Paris. The quotation is from Allen's letter to Comte, dated January 23, 1853. Marginal notation by Comte indicates a reply was sent the day after its receipt. Since he had just been informed that Wallace's will provided him an annuity of 500 francs, Comte very likely refused Allen's generous offer of aid. (See letters from Wallace's brother to Comte on January 13 and April 15, 1853, reproduced in Hawkins, , Auguste Comte, pp. 54–56.Google Scholar) Previous historians such as Richmond L. Hawkins badly underestimated the interest of some Unitarians in Comte. Hawkins concludes, quite incorrectly, that Allen thought positivism “premature, vicious in its foundation, impossible, and absurd.” (Hawkins, , Positivism, p. 79.Google Scholar)
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37. Ibid., pp. 200, 205.
38. The Unitarians would have had access to Spencer's Social Statics (1851), The Principles of Psychology (1855), the crucial First Principles of a New System of Philosophy (1864) and Essays: Scientific, Political, and Speculative (1868).
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40. Berman, Milton, John Fiske: The Evolution of a Popularizer (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1961), p. 33.CrossRefGoogle Scholar Fiske's route to positivism began in 1859 with Henry Buckle's History of Civilization in England. Within a year he had read Mill, Lewes, and Martineau's translation of Comte. The following year, his first at Harvard, he became familiar with Spencer. (Ibid., pp. 17–18, 30.) During 1869–1870, Fiske was invited by Harvard President Charles Eliot to lecture on positivism (Ibid., pp. 73–74.) These lectures eventually grew into his synthetic Outlines of Cosmic Philosophy, 2 vols. (Boston: Houghton Mifflin, 1874).Google Scholar See also Pannell, H. Burnell, The Religious Faith of John Fiske (Durham: Duke University Press, 1957), pp. 43, 54–58, 206.Google Scholar
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65. Peabody, A. P., Christianity the Religion of Nature (Boston: Gould and Lincoln, 1863).Google Scholar
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