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Published online by Cambridge University Press: 20 November 2013
“The religious question” regarding the role of the Catholic Church in Spanish society shaped the often contentious relationship between the Church and state. This relationship entered a new chapter with the coming of the Second Republic and the passage of the 1931 constitution. Among the legislation aimed at implementing the articles of the constitution was the 1933 Law of Confessions and Congregations that outlawed schools run by religious orders. Despite this law, most religious schools remained open. Using three schools of the Sisters of the Company of Mary in the cities of Tudela, Valladolid, and Tarragona, this article shows how orders adapted under the new government. One of the Church's primary tactics was to establish front organizations directed by the laity that permitted the religious orders to circumvent the law in order to maintain their schools.
1 “En l'adveniment de la República,” Diario de Tarragona, April 15, 1931, 1.
2 Iribarren, Jesus, ed., Documentos colectivos del Episcopado Español, 1870–1974 (Madrid: Biblioteca de Autores Cristianos de la Editorial Católica, 1974)Google Scholar, 171. Accidentalism is the position that the form of government mattered little as long as it did not interfere with what the Church saw as its particular mission in society.
3 Jeanne de Lestonnac founded the Sisters of the Company of Mary in Bordeaux, France in 1607. Their long history of work in girls' education contribute to their worth as a case study.
4 For examples see Preston's, PaulThe Spanish Civil War: Reaction, Revolution and Revenge (New York: W. W. Norton, 2007)Google Scholar; Payne's, StanleyThe Collapse of the Spanish Republic, 1933–1936: Origins of the Civil War (New Haven, Conn.: Yale University Press, 2006)CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Casanova's, JuliánThe Spanish Republic and the Civil War (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2010)CrossRefGoogle Scholar. It should be noted that Casanova's work does seek to show the importance of local forces in the eventual failure of the Republic. Nonetheless, his chapter “Order and Religion” falls into generalizations that overly simplify the response of an array of sectors within the Church.
5 Villaverde, Angel Luis López, El gorro frigio y la mitra frente a frente: construcción y diversidad territorial del conflict politico-religioso en la España republican (Barcelona: Edicione Rubeo, 2008).Google Scholar
6 Consuelo Domínguez Domínguez, “La Enseñanza en Huelva durante la II República (1931–1936)” (Ph.D. Dissertation, Universidad de Huelva, 1996), 140. The author attributes the special treatment to the influence of the local French community, the political skill of the superior, and the Institute's reputation for quality education for both paying and free students.
7 Examples of regional studies are de la Rosa, Enrique Berzal, Valladolid bajo el palio: Iglesia y control social en el siglo XX (Valladolid: Ámbito, 2002)Google Scholar; Seco, Mónica Moreno, Conflicto educativo y secularización social durante la Segunda República: Alicante 1931–1936 (Generalitat Valenciana-Instituto de Cultura: Alicante, 1995)Google Scholar; and Chéliz, Pilar Salomón, Anticlericalismo en Aragón, protesta popular y movilización política, 1900–1939 (Prensas Zaragoza: Universitarias de Zaragoza, 2002).Google Scholar
8 Diaz-Plaja, Fernando, ed., La historia de España en sus documentos: el siglo XX (Madrid: Instituto de Estudios Politicos, 1964), 308.Google Scholar
9 Ibid., 307.
10 Ibid., 566–572.
11 Llopis, Rodolfo, La revolución en la escuela. Dos años en la dirección general de primera enseñanza (Madrid: M. Aguilar, 1933), 34.Google Scholar
12 The abysmal state of education is well documented in older works. Three of the seminal books are Martínez, Rosa María Capel, El trabajo y la educación de la mujer en España (1900–1930) (Madrid: Ministerio de Cultura, 1986)Google Scholar; Galán, Mariano Pérez, La enseñanza en la Segunda República Española (Madrid: EDICUSA, 1977)Google Scholar; and de Puelles Benitez, Manuel, Educación e ideologia en la España contemporánea (1767–1975) (Barcelona: Editorial Labor, 1980)Google Scholar. More recent works explore the educational system in terms of gender, modernization, pedagogy, national identity, and citizenship. See Balsera, Paulí Fávila, “The Educational System and National Identities: the Case of Spain in the Twentieth Century,” Journal of the History of Education Society 34, no. 1 (2005): 23–40CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Soria, Juan Manuel Fernández, “Foundations of Laic Moral Antonio Viñao Frago,” Escuela para todos. Educación y modernidad en la España del Siglo XX (Madrid: Marcial Pons, 2004).Google Scholar
13 See Pérez Galán, La enseñanza en la Segunda República Española. The state continuously fell far short of its projected goals.
14 Manjón, Andres, El pensamiento de Ave-María (Oviedo: La Cantabrica-Imprenta de Navarro Hnos., 1902)Google Scholar, 77.
15 For more information on Catholic Action, see Garcia, Feliciano Montero, ed., La Acción Católica en la II República (Alcalá de Henares: Universidad de Alcalá, 2008).Google Scholar
16 Archivo Ordinis Dominae Nostrae Tudela [hereafter cited as AODN Tudela], Estatutos de la Sociedad Anónima de Enseñanza Libre (Madrid: Gráficas Reunidas, SA, 1933), 3–4.Google Scholar
17 Archivo Ordinis Dominae Nostrae Casa Generalicia [hereafter cited AODN Casa Gen], 4M(2)1. This is a copy of a generic agreement between SADEL and a given religious order.
18 Fernández, Manuel Paéz, Crónica de Educación (San Fernando: Ayuntamiento de San Fernando, 1992), 95.Google Scholar
19 Berzal de la Rosa, Valladolid bajo el palio, 45.
20 Archivo Curia de Valladolid [hereafter cited as ACuV], C. Acción Católica, carp. Asociación Católica Diocesana, Padres de Familia, “Reglamento de la Asociación Católica de Padres de Familia de Valladolid,” January 24, 1933, 1.
21 See de la Rosa, Enrique Berzal, Remigio Gandásegui (1905–1937). Un obispo para una España en crisis (Madrid: Biblioteca de Autores Cristianos, 1999).Google Scholar
22 de la Rosa, Enrique Berzal, “La Iglesia en defensa de la enseñanza: la Asociación Católica Diocesana de Padres de Familia de Valladolid (1930–1937),” Hispania Sacra, no. 50 (1998)Google Scholar: 710. The Spanish word “colegio” was normally used in reference to private schools that offered all three levels of primary education and often went into the secondary level. I will often use the word “colegio” when describing the religious schools.
23 Archivo Municipal de Valladolid [hereafter cited AMV], C.986-373, March 12, 1935 and C.986.265, March 12, 1935. Petitions to the city of Valladolid to open the two schools. Andrés Manjón began the Ave Maria schools in 1889 initially to educate the Roma population around Sacromonte. The methodologies employed became the model for Catholic schools in the poorest sectors of Spanish society.
24 See Berzal de la Rosa, Valladolid bajo el palio, 63; ACuV, C. Acción Católica, carp. Asociación Católica Diocesana de Padres de Familia Valladolid, Eduardo Zurro Llorente, “Breve Historia de la Asociación Católica Diocesana de Padres de Familia Valladolid,” August 1943.
25 ACuV, C. Acción Católica, carp. Asociación Católica Diocesana de Padres de Familia Valladolid, Estatutos de la Mutualidad de Padres de Familia, August 11, 1933, 3–4.
26 Ibid., 8.
27 ACuV, C. Acción Católica, carp. Asociación Católica Diocesana, Padres de Familia, “Mutualidad de Padres de Familia,” June 6, 1938.
28 The Mutualidad also legally controlled the colegios of the Carmelitas del Museo and the Hijas de Jesus. See Berzal de la Rosa, “La Iglesia en defensa de la enseñanza,” 716. It is not certain why these three and not the other six. From the sisters' perspective, the close relationship between the Company of Mary and the Jesuits appeared to be the chief reason it was in greater danger. This would fit the situation of the Hijas de Jesus who practiced Ignatian spirituality. See: Carta Anual de la Orden de Hijas de Nuestra Señora: relaciones de diversas casas y necrologías, 1934 al 1935 (Barcelona: 1935)Google Scholar, 155.
29 Berzal de la Rosa, Valladolid bajo el palio, 63.
30 ACuV, C. Religiosas: Compañía de María, carp. Orden Compañía de María Nuestra Señora–La Enseñanza, letter from M. Frías to Archbishop Gandásegui, July 8, 1933.
31 Archivo Ordinis Dominae Nostrae Valladolid [hereafter cited AODN Valladolid], 3M2.13, copy of the statutes of “Colegio de La Enseñanza, Filial de la Mutualidad de Padres de Familia,” s/d.
32 ACuV, C. Religiosas: Compañía de María, carp. Orden Compañía de María Nuestra Señora–La Enseñanza, June 23, 1933. Document is a sample letter to parents from the superior of the community. See also Carta Anual de la Orden de Hijas de Nuestra Señora: relaciones de diversas casas y necrologías, 1931 al 1934, 156. The prioress looked to Portugal because the Jesuits from Valladolid had moved their colegio to the country.
33 AODN Valladolid, 6G.45, “Fechas memorables de la Casa desde 1930,” 1933. The Company of Mary maintained a school for the children of laborers whose parents paid little to no fees.
34 AODN Valladolid, 3M2.13, copy of the statutes of “Colegio de La Enseñanza, Filial de la Mutualidad de Padres de Familia,” s/d.
35 Ibid.
36 The law required physical separation of the school and convent resulting in the construction of walls. The narrow hallway would not be readily evident without fully touring the school and convent.
37 ACuV, C. Religiosas: Compañía de María, carp. Orden Compañía de María Nuestra Señora–La Enseñanza, letter from M. Frías to Archbishop Gandásegui, November 9, 1933. Canon law on papal enclosure had strict rules regulating the use of doorways, stairways and patio areas. In the case of the Company of Mary, cloistered areas included the school during operational hours.
38 Carta Anual, 1931 al 1934, 157.
39 Ibid., 157–160.
40 The concept of the bachillerato program at this time does not have a good English equivalent. It often served as a certification program or as preparation for exams at the regional Institute. Company of Mary schools responded to the limited access to universities for its students and therefore prepared the girls primarily for careers open to women.
41 The government established Institutes in the mid-nineteenth century as a way to prepare students for university study. During the dictatorship of Primo de Rivera, the Institutes controlled the official examination system and were to serve as an instrument of limited government control over religious schools. It was a system wrought with problems and inefficiencies.
42 AODN Valladolid, 2M1.15, Report to the director of the Instituto de Segunda Enseñanza de Valladolid. October 28, 1931. Adjustments made to the list of teachers for the 1932–1933 school year are handwritten onto the same form. It is not clear if a second laywoman, María Gonzalez also taught the second year. The Institutos were charged with ensuring that polices for secondary education regarding course work and personnel were followed.
43 Carta Anual, 1931 al 1934, 160.
44 Archivo de Acción Católica de Valladolid, Antecedentes del Colegio Enseñanza, “Junta del Colegio de la Enseñanza, Correspondencia y otros antecedentes, Relación de Sres. Profesores y Domicilios,” cited in Berzal de la Rosa, Valladolid bajo el palio, 62.
45 Carta Anual, 1931 al 1934, 161.
46 As with many religious communities, the Company of Mary staffed schools for fee-paying students as well as for the poor who paid no fee. The latter were known as escuelas gratuitas or free schools. The two groups were educated separately and seldom came together.
47 ACuV, C. Religiosas: Compañía de María, carp. Orden Compañía de María Nuestra Señora–La Enseñanza, letter from M. Emilia Frías to Gandásegui, November 9, 1933.
48 Although the three communities in this study belonged to the Company of Mary, approximately half of all the houses worldwide joined together under the authority of one superior general. The other half remained as autonomous houses. Within Spain, twenty houses rejected the union. The community in Tudela joined the union in 1921.
49 ACuV, C. Religiosas: Compañía de María, carp. Orden Compañía de María Nuestra Señora–La Enseñanza, letter from Frías to Gandásegui, November 9, 1933.
50 María Pilar de la Peña, interview by author, February 16, 2007.
51 AODN Valladolid, 3M1.2, Libro general de matricula desde 1930-1958. Numbers began to increase significantly in 1938. Although the Civil War continued, Valladolid was firmly in Nationalist hands.
52 Carta Anual, 1934 al 1935, 125.
53 AMV, Libro de Actas de Sesiones del Ayuntamiento, 1 de septiembre 1934 a 21 de junio 1935. L. Actas 224, October 11, 1934. The governor cited García de Quintana's inabilty to quell the October 1934 unrest and provide essential city services. The governor appointed conservative Mariano Escribano Álvarez.
54 Carta Anual, 1931 al 1934, 160.
55 Ibid., 161.
56 AODN Valladolid, 3M2.11, letter to the inspector of primary instruction from Emilia Frias, May 12, 1936.
57 AODN Valladolid, 3M2.13, Statutes of the Colegio de la Enseñanza, Filial de la Mutualidad de Padres de Familia de Valladolid, s/d.
58 “Vidal i Barraquer als seus sufraganis, March 1, 1932,” AVB, M. and Batllori, V. M. Arbeloa, eds., Arxiu Vidal i Barraquer, Església i estat durant la Segona República Espanyola, 1931–1936, 4 vols. (Barcelona: Publicacions de l'Abadia de Montserrat, 1975), vol. II, part 3, pp. 601–606Google Scholar.
59 Arixu Històric de Tarragona [hereafter cited as AHT], Fons de l'Adminstració Perifèrica de l'Estat Governació: Govern Civil, carp. 1813 La Mutual Educadora, “Acta de constitució definitive de l'esmentada Entitat,” December 15, 1933.
60 Other board members shared similar last names of the sisters indicating they also were relatives.
61 AHT, Fons de l'Adminstració Perifèrica de l'Estat Governació: Govern Civil, carp. 1813 La Mutual Educadora, “La Mutual Educadora, Estatutos,” September 9, 1933. At least some of the meetings were held in the parlor of the convent, allowing a sister to attend without leaving the cloister. See: Archivo Ordinis Dominae Nostrae Tarragona [hereafter cited AODN Tarragona], 6G6, February 11, 1934, in Diario de la Casa de Nuestra Señora y Enseñanza de Tarragona, 1919 a 1934.
62 AHT, Fons de l'Adminstració Perifèrica de l'Estat Governació: Govern Civil, carp. 1813 La Mutual Educadora, “La Mutual Educadora, Estatutos,” September 9, 1933.
63 Ibid.
64 Arxiu Històric Arxidiocesà de Tarragona [hereafter cited AHAT], Fons Companyia de Maria: Lestonnac Ensenyança, Cap. 6, carp. 7 Col.legi-pensionat, 7b Documentació relative, 1891–1970. Copy of a letter to Vidal i Barraquer from Juan Masip Sas, s/d. It should be noted that in this document, the Catholicity of the project is clearly stated.
65 Ibid.
66 AODN Tarragona, 6G2 Libro Copiador, letter from María de los Angeles Pons to Antonia Virgili Rovira, March 9, 1933. The Jesuits continued some of their educational projects in this manner.
67 AHAT, Fons Companyia de Maria: Lestonnac Ensenyança, Cap. 5, carp. 4 Assumptes Intern, 4c Clausura educandes, 1880–1964, letter from Antonia Virgili to Manuel Borrás, October 6, 1932.
68 AODN Tarragona, 6G6, July 22, 1933, in Diario de la Casa.
69 AHAT, Fons Companyia de Maria: Lestonnac Ensenyança, Cap. 3, carp. 3 Excaustracion, 3c Secularización, January 1, 1933. The letters are dated January 1933, but it seems evident that this is an error as the Law of Congregations was passed in May 1933 and Mutua Educadora came into existence in September. Other community documents regarding the ceding of the school have a 1934 date. It is conceivable, nonetheless, that the January 1933 date is correct and the sisters were merely preparing for the inevitable passage of the law.
70 Under canon law, local diocesan officials cannot grant dispensations. Many of the petitioners, moreover, continued the regular training customary for newer members. See AODN Tarragona, 1J4, Tomas de Hábito y Profesiones.
71 Ibid. See n69 above regarding the issue of the correct year.
72 AODN Tarragona, 6G6, January 18, 1934, in Diario de la Casa. It is not clear if this affiliation had any practical application.
73 Carta Anual, 1934 al 1935, 54.
74 AODN Tarragona, 6G6, July 16, 1933, in Diario de la Casa.
75 Ibid., entry for January 10–11, 1934.
76 AODN Tarragona, 6G2 Libro Copiador. Documento LX, June 17, 1932.
77 AHT, Fons de l'Administració Perifèrica de l'Estat: Estadística, carp. Institut Nacional d'Estadística, Secció Elecció, “Resultados en la provincial de Tarragona de la elección de Diputados a Cortes,” November 19, 1933.
78 AHT, Fons de l'Administració Perifèrica de l'Estat: Estadística, carp. Institut Nacional d'Estadística. Boletín Oficial de la Provincia de Tarragona, July 1, 1931.
79 “Tarragona ha vivido horas de extraordinaria gravedad,” La Cruz, October 10, 1934, 1–3, 5; and “Unes jornades reevolucionàries que tenen epíleg tràgic,” Diari de Tarragona, October 10, 1934, 1–3. Joachim Fort stepped in as the temporary mayor until replaced by Francisco Vidal.
80 Lloret continued as mayor until May when socialist and workers' party councilmen forced him to resign his position after residents witnessed Lloret kissing the ring of Auxiliary Bishop Manuel Borràs during an April celebration of the Republic. The council finally voted for Joaquim Fort Gibert as mayor. See Fernández, Antoni Jordà, Història de la ciutat de Tarragona (Valls: Cossetània Edicions, 2006)Google Scholar, 124.
81 “La Enseñanza privada en Cataluña es legal,” La Cruz, June 6, 1936, 3; and “La F.A.E. contesta a los nuevos ataques del Ministro a los Colegios de Religiosos,” La Cruz, June 13, 1936, 1.
82 Carta Anual de la Orden de Hijas de Nuestra Señora: relaciones de diversas casas y necrologías, 1936–1941 (Medellin: Papeleria Nacional, 1942)Google Scholar, 64.
83 Ibid.
84 Ibid., 65.
85 Umbón, Alberto García, “Elecciones y partidos políticos en Tudela, 1931–1933,” Príncipe de Viana 50, no. 186 (1989): 225.Google Scholar
86 Herranz, Inmaculada Blasco, Paradojas de la ortodoxia: política de masas y militancia católica femenina en España (1919–1939) (Zaragoza: Prensas Universitarias de Zaragoza, 2003)Google Scholar and Seco, Mónica Moreno, “Mujeres, clericalismo y asociacionismo católico,” in Clericalismo y asociacionismo católico en España: de la restauración a la transición, eds. Merino, Julio de la Cueva and Villaverde, Angel Luis López (Cuenca: Ediciones de la Universidad de Castilla-La Mancha 2005), 107–131.Google Scholar
87 “El Maestro,” El Ribereño Navarro, November 27, 1932, 1.
88 Thomas, Maria, “Disputing the Public Sphere: Anticlerical Violence, Conflict and the Sacred Heart of Jesus, April 1931–July 1936,” Cuadernos de Historia Contemporánea, 33 (2011): 49–69.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
89 Archivo Municipal de Tudela [hereafter cited as AMT], C. Memoriales Alcaldia, Sig. 4E-6, notice from the Civil Governor of Navarra, July 7, 1933; “Un palacio, una revolución y unas escuelas,” Navarra, September 11, 1934, 1.
90 AMT, C. Memoriales Alcaldia, Sig. 4E-5, letter from the Civil Governor to the mayor of Tudela, July 1, 1933.
91 One of many such examples is a letter to the superior of the Company of Mary. See AMT, C. Memoriales Alcaldia, Sig. 4E-4, letter from the Civil Governor of Navarra to the Superior of the Religious of the Company of Mary, June 3, 1932.
92 AODN Tudela, 2M4(54)5, Reglamento de la “Liga” o Agrupación Católica de Mujeres Tudelanas, December 21, 1932.
93 “Liga femenina Tudelana,” El Ribereño Navarro, March 13, 1932, 2.
94 Ibid.
95 “La obra de una Entidad Tudelana,” Navarra, January 19, 1934, 6.
96 “Tudela, Hoy,” Navarra, July 25, 1934.
97 Blasco, Paradojas de la ortodoxia.
98 AMT, C. Memoriales Alcaldía, Sig. 4E-3, 1931, Petition of the women of Tudela. s/d.
99 AMT, C. Memoriales Alcaldía, Sig. 4E-3, 1931, “Comparencia,” May 29, 1931.
100 AMT, C. Memoriales Alcaldía, Sig. 4E-3, 1931, letter reporting on the mayor's investigation, May 29, 1931.
101 “Propaganda católica,” El Ribereño Navarro, October 23, 1932, 5; and “Conferencia interesante,” El Ribereño Navarro, February 19, 1933, 8.
102 AMT, C. Memoriales Alcaldía, Sig. 4E-7, 1934, leaflets advertising the event.
103 AMT, C. Memoriales Alcaldía, Sig. 4E-9, 1935, leaflet advertising the production of “El Guitarrico,” October 1935.
104 AMT, C. Memoriales Alcaldía, Sig. 4E-7, “El Asilo-Cuna de esta Ciudad de Tudela,” November 1934.
105 Diaz-Plaja, La historia de España en sus documentos, 553.
106 AODN Tudela, 2M4(54)5, August 25, 1933.
107 AODN Tudela, 2M4(54)3, s/d.
108 “Concejales electos,” El Ribereño Navarro, April 19, 1931.
109 AODN Tudela, 2M1(54)4, letter from the director of Primary Instruction to Gaztambide, October 16, 1933.
110 AODN Tudela, 2M4(54)5, contract between the Liga de Mujeres Tudelanas and the Company of Mary, August 23, 1933.
111 AODN Tudela, report to the Minister of Justice, August 18, 1933. Document is uncatalogued. One exception is Carmen Albizu. Her name appears on the government report and submitted as part of the paperwork to establish the Liga school. See also 2M4(54)3, “Organización oficial de la Escuela de la Liga.” It appears that complete lists were submitted to local authorities as demonstrated by the 1935 civilian register. See AMT, “Empadronamiento municipal en 31 de Diciembre de 1935.”
112 AODN Tudela, Boletín Oficial de la Provincia de Navarra, November 13, 1933. The list included María Gaztambide, Jesusa Martínez Martínez, Josefa Mesanza y Sagasti, Emilia Heredero Martí, Victorina Gutiérrez Fernández, Carmen Enciso y Armendáriz, and Felicitas Preciado García. The last three women were nuns. See AODN Casa Gen, 5J2.1(1934)13, “Estadísticas Generales,” 1934.
113 AODN Tudela, 6A2, September 25, 1933, in Diario de la Casa.
114 Concepción de la Parra Moracho, interview by author, June 6, 2007. The government required the community to build walls that completely separated the school from the convent. It is not known with certainty whether the nuns who taught in the school were also required to live separately from the community, although it does not seem to be the case.
115 AODN Tudela, 2M4(54)3.5, Reglamento, August 16, 1933.
116 AODN Tudela, 2M4(54)3.4, Organización oficial de la Escuela de la “Liga,” s/d; cf. AODN Casa Gen, 5J2.1(1934)13, “Estadísticas Generales,” 1934.
117 Concepción de la Parra Moracho, interview by author, June 6, 2007.
118 During the 1927–1928 school year, 308 students attended the free school, 30 interns and 169 day students. In 1933–1934, the number in the free school rose to 352, 35 interns and 228 day students. See Carta Anua de la Compañía de María, 1921–1929 (San Sebastian: Gráficas Iriondo, 1929)Google Scholar, 24; Cartas Edificantes, 1929–1935 (San Sebastian: Gráficas Iriondo, 1935), 16.
119 AODN Tudela, 2F1(3)19, Reglamento, August 29, 1936.
120 “A los electores de Tudela.” El Eco del Distrito, March 31, 1936, 1. The party's electoral promise was to concentrate on improving secondary and professional education.
121 AMT, “Consejo Local de Primera Enseñanza, Libro de Actas, 1931/1933,” entry for March 2, 1932. The allegations seemed to have gone no further.
122 Anticlericalism was primarily a male-on-male phenomenon. Based on her dissertation, one of the most recent works to analyze the role gender played in anticlerical expression, see Thomas, Maria, The Faith and the Fury: Popular Anticlerical Violence and Iconoclasm in Spain, 1931–1936 (Sussex: Sussex Academic Press, 2013).Google Scholar
123 See María Pilar Salomón Chéliz, “Beatas Sojuzgadas por el Clero: La imagen de las Mujeres en el Discurso Anticlerical en la España del Primer Tercio del Siglo XX, Feminismo/s, 2 (December 2003), 41–58; and Enrique Sanabria, Republicanism and Anticlerical Nationalism in Spain (New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2009).
124 Carta Anual, 1934 al 1935, 51.
125 For an excellent development of this thesis, see Vincent, Mary, Catholicism in the Second Spanish Republic: Religion and Politics in Salamanca 1930-1936 (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1996).CrossRefGoogle Scholar