Published online by Cambridge University Press: 28 May 2009
According to the biblical book of Daniel chapter 3, King Nebuchadnezzar, who ruled the Babylonian Empire where the Jews lived in exile, commissioned the building of a ninety-foot golden image and commanded the people to worship it. Refusal to comply meant one's death in a fiery furnace. While most obeyed the king's dictate, the story recounts how Shadrach, Meschach, and Abednego, Jews who worked for the king, refused to worship the image and remained loyal to their God. In response, the king bade his men to stoke the furnace and burn the defiant rebels. To the king's amazement, the trio appeared unscathed amid the red-hot flames, and he glimpsed a mysterious fourth figure with them. Seeing this, the king called the men to come out of the furnace and they emerged unharmed, protected, according to the text, by the fourth figure, an angel. The story depicts Shadrach, Meschach, and Abednego as heroes who withstood the forces of evil and witnessed the power of their God. It speaks to the fidelity of these men and to the intolerant nature of Nebuchadnezzar's faith. While this passage and its lessons may be familiar to many, in the 1920s they gained additional meanings that provide us with important insights into the workings of religious intolerance in the United States.
1 Notably, the political cartoons of Thomas Nast were central to bringing down Boss Tweed and Tammany Hall. For more, see Press, Charles, The Political Cartoon (London: Associated University Presses, 1981)Google Scholar, chapter 9, and Fischer, Roger A., Them Damned Pictures: Explorations in American Political Cartoon Art (North Haven, Conn.: Archon, 1996)Google Scholar, chapter 1.
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17 Stanley, Feminist Pillar of Fire, 3–4.
18 Dolan, Jay P., The American Catholic Experience: A History from Colonial Times to the Present (Notre Dame, Ind.: University of Notre Dame Press, 1992), 127Google Scholar. Alma White made numerous references to immigration as a problem; see, for example, Klansmen, 101, and Heroes of the Fiery Cross (Zarephath, N.J.: The Good Citizen, 1928), 115–132.
19 White, The Ku Klux Klan in Prophecy, 8, 26, 90; White, Klansmen, 15–16, 139; and White, Heroes of the Fiery Cross, 123. Very little of Alma White's accusations against Catholicism are new. As John Higham writes, “Hardly any aspect of American xenophobia over its course from the eighteenth to the twentieth century is more striking than the monotony of its ideological refrain. Year after year, decade after decade, the same charges and complaints have sounded in endless reiteration”: Strangers in the Land, 31. For more on the number and power of Klanswomen, see Blee, Kathleen M., Women of the Klan: Racism and Gender in the 1920s (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1991)Google Scholar.
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25 White, The Ku Klux Klan in Prophecy, 101. In the 1920s, the Pillar of Fire was the only denomination to publicly endorse the Klan.
26 I have been unable to locate a library with a complete collection of White's The Good Citizen, a nativist periodical she published from 1913 to 1933. Branford Clarke illustrated this newspaper, and many of these images were then used in White's pro-Klan books. For example, the August 1925 issue (volume 13, no. 8) features four of Clarke's drawings, three of which later appeared in Klansmen.
27 White, Heroes of the Fiery Cross, 41.
28 “Obituary for Rev. Branford Clarke,” The New York Times, 8 July 1947, 23; C. R. Paige and C. K. Ingler, eds., Alma White's Evangelism: Press Reports, Volume I, 203. Clarke's hymns can be found in White, Alma and White, Arthur K., Cross and Crown Hymnal 2nd Edition (Zarephath, N.J.: Pillar of Fire, 1943), 62Google Scholar, 158, 261, 316, 325. His “perambulatory pulpit” merits a mention in Hale's, JamesMarketing Mobiles: The Wonderful Wacky World of Promotional Vehicles, 1903–2000 (Dorchester, U.K.: Veloce, 2006), 11Google Scholar, and his artwork also appears in Arthur Sears Henning's article “How La Follette Dug His Political Grave,” Chicago Daily Tribune, 31 January 1954, G14.
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35 Appel and Appel, “Anti-Semitism in American Caricature,” 82; Fischer, Them Damned Pictures, 122.
36 Kemnitz, “The Cartoon as a Historical Source,” 84. Also, see Mitchell, J. A., “Contemporary American Caricature,” Scribner's Magazine 6:6 (December 1889): 729Google Scholar.
37 Kemnitz, “The Cartoon as a Historical Source,” 84.
38 Morgan, The Sacred Gaze, 39.
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45 Haynes, Stephen R., Noah's Curse: The Biblical Justification of American Slavery (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2002), 8CrossRefGoogle Scholar, and Barkun, Michael, Religion and the Racist Right (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1997)Google Scholar.
46 White, The Ku Klux Klan in Prophecy, 14, 17. George M. Marsden highlights perspicuity and immutability as the two identifying features of conservative Protestant biblical understanding in “Everyone One's Own Interpreter?: The Bible, Science, and Authority in Mid-Nineteenth-Century America,” in The Bible in America: Essays in Cultural History, ed. Nathan O. Hatch and Mark A. Noll (New York: Oxford University Press, 1982), 80–81.
47 White, Klansmen, 8; White, Heroes of the Fiery Cross, 11; White, The Ku Klux Klan in Prophecy, 6. Kathleen Biddick describes typology as follows: “Christian typology posits the theological supersession of the Christian Church over Israel. Christians believed that the New Testament superseded the Hebrew Bible and redefined it as the Old Testament. Exegetically it maps the figures of the Old Testament onto their fulfillment in the New Testament”: see her monograph, The Typological Imaginary (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 2003), 4–5. Also see Goppelt, Leonhard, Typos: The Typological Interpretation of the Old Testament in the New ([1939] Grand Rapids, Mich.: Eerdmans, 1982)Google Scholar, and Davidson, Richard M., Typology in Scripture (Berrien Springs, Mich.: Andrews University Press, 1981)Google Scholar. In White's case, typology is not limited to biblical interpretation; for her the Bible provides the pattern, or type, which is later duplicated in American and world history—the antitype.
48 White, Heroes of the Fiery Cross, 8.
49 White, The Ku Klux Klan in Prophecy, 6; White, Klansmen, 63.
50 Popovich, Ljubica D., “Popular American Biblical Imagery: Sources and Manifestations,” in The Bible and Popular Culture in America, ed. Phy, Allene Stuart (Philadelphia: Fortress, 1985), 193–233Google Scholar. See Morgan, Protestants and Pictures, and Promey, Sally M., “The ‘Return’ of Religion in the Scholarship of American Art,” The Art Bulletin 85:3 (September 2003): 581–603CrossRefGoogle Scholar. In addition, some scholars are researching themes of conflict in visual culture; however, the role and representation of religion in those conflicts is not prominent: see Johnston, Patricia, ed., Seeing High & Low: Representing Social Conflict in American Visual Culture (Berkeley: University of California Press, 2006)Google Scholar.
51 Gutjahr, An American Bible, 64; Morgan, Protestants and Pictures, 296; Morgan, The Lure of Images, 96–97.
52 Miller, Illustration, 66; Masur, “Pictures Have Now Become a Necessity,” 1421.
53 This subtitle plays off the title of Taylor's, Kenneth N. devotional book, The Bible in Pictures for Little Eyes (Chicago: Moody, 1971)Google Scholar.
54 Morgan, The Sacred Gaze, 33.
55 White, The Ku Klux Klan in Prophecy, 55–58.
56 Miller, Illustration, 67.
57 Morgan, The Sacred Gaze, 76, 105.
58 Ibid., 117, 124, 125.
59 Dyer, The Matter of Images, 16; Morgan, The Sacred Gaze, 115.
60 Morgan, The Sacred Gaze, 25.
61 White, The Ku Klux Klan in Prophecy, 61–65.
62 Mitchell, “Contemporary American Caricature,” 728. Interpreting Jesus in terms of one's own context and ideology is certainly not unique. Rolf Lundén writes that “at various points in history, Jesus has been made into a monk, a soldier, a social radical, a guerilla fighter, and a hippie. In the twenties, as I have shown, he was a businessman”: see his Business and Religion in the American 1920s (Westport, Conn.: Greenwood, 1988), 105.
63 Levine, Lawrence W., “The Historian and the Icon: Photography and the History of the American People in the 1930s and 1940s,” in Modern Art and Society: An Anthology of Social and Multicultural Readings, ed. Berger, Maurice (New York: HarperCollins, 1994), 183Google Scholar.
64 Dyer, The Matter of Images, 12.
65 Similar tactics are used in representations of race and heterosexuality: see Richard Dyer, White, 10–13, 42, 45, 70.
66 Morgan, The Lure of Images, 132–133.
67 This subtitle corrupts Ann Braude's title to her seminal essay, “Women's History Is American Religious History,” in Retelling U.S. Religious History, ed. Thomas A. Tweed (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1997), 87–107.
68 White, Klansmen, 42.
69 White, The Ku Klux Klan in Prophecy, 62.
70 White, Klansmen, 45, 47.
71 White, Klansmen, 43–44; see also Higham, Strangers in the Land, 205–206.
72 Blee, Women of the Klan, 38.
73 White, Heroes of the Fiery Cross, 41.
74 White, Klansmen, 5–6; White, Heroes of the Fiery Cross, 5.
75 White, Klansmen, 49.
76 Ibid., 53.
77 White, Klansmen, 56; White, Heroes of the Fiery Cross, 40.
78 White, Klansmen, 60.
79 Morgan, The Sacred Gaze, 68.
80 For more on the “conflation” of biblical and American iconography, see Morgan, The Sacred Gaze, 220–255.
81 White, The Ku Klux Klan in Prophecy, 24–25.
82 Dyer, The Matter of Images, 146.
83 Levine, “The Historian and the Icon,” 184.
84 Miller, Illustration, 102–103.
85 “Klansmen Take Notice!” The Good Citizen 13:8 (August 1925): 5, and “A Marvelous Sale,” The Good Citizen 13:8 (August 1925), 10.
86 Goldberg, Hooded Empire, 10–11.
87 Lipstadt, Deborah E., Denying the Holocaust: The Growing Assault on Truth and Memory (New York: The Free Press, 1993), 2, 5Google Scholar.
88 Higham, Strangers in the Land, x.
89 Lipstadt, Denying the Holocaust, 29.