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Augustine and the Amerindian in Seventeenth-Century New France

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  28 July 2009

Peter A. Goddard
Affiliation:
Peter A. Goddard is assistant professor of history at the University of Guelph.

Extract

It may appear absurd to link a thinker of Christian antiquity with the peoples of early modern North America. The Bishop of Hippo (354–430) was not particularly interested in evangelization beyond the Mediterranean world. While he encouraged the proselytization of the tribes of North Africa, Augustine rejected the possibility of “New Worlds” as “on no grounds credible” for lack of scriptural warrant. His achievement, some thousand years before Columbus, was to provide the authoritative account of religious conversion as well as the intellectual foundations for Christian spirituality. This legacy was not well suited, however, to deal with problems raised by contact with “new” peoples of the Americas. It had little to say about the “nature” of these “savage” peoples as well as the prospects for their conversion. Augustinian theology emphasizes relations between God and self, in contrast to the approach identified with Thomas Aquinas, which asserts the possibility of finding God in the world and propels inquiry in that direction. Augustine's sense of the corruption of fallen humankind and the powerlessness of nature without God would appear to discourage any but the most morbid interest in New World peoples.

Type
Articles
Copyright
Copyright © American Society of Church History 1998

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References

Early versions of this article were presented to the Early Modern Europe Seminar at Oxford University, and the “work in progress” seminar at the University of British Columbia. The author would like to thank David Murray, John O'Malley, Dermot Quinn, and Michael Ruse as well as the anonymous reviewers for Church History for their helpful comments.

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21. Briggs, Robin, Communities of Belief: Social and Cultural Tensions in Early Modern France (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1989), 239.Google ScholarAugustinianism dominated university theology in seventeenth-century France. Brockliss, L. W. B., French Higher Education in the Seventeenth and Eighteenth Centuries (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1987), 247.Google Scholar

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29. Dictionnaire de spiritualité, s.v. “Lallemant, Louis.”

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33. Lallemant does appear to be hedging his bets here, moving back towards the Thomistic position on nature and grace.

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37. Rigoleuc, , Traitez de dévotion, 309Google Scholar; Augustine, , City of God, 19.25.Google Scholar

38. Lallemant's mystical asceticism was hostile to the activism central to the Jesuit “way of proceeding.” Mutius Vitelleschi, general 1615–1645, confined it to advanced teaching. See Dudon, P., “Les Leçons d'oraison du P. Lallement, ont-elles étés blamées par ses supérieurs?Revue d'ascétique et de mystique 11 (1930): 396406.Google Scholar

39. See Beaulieu, Alain, Convertir les fils de Caïn: Jésuites et amérindiens nomades en nouvelle-France, 1632–1642 (Quebec: Nuit Blanche, 1990), 2135, for Algonquian ethnography.Google ScholarFor the Hurons, see Trigger, Bruce, The Children of Aataensic: A History of the Huron People to 1660 (Montreal: McGill—Queen's University Press, 1988).Google Scholar

40. “Leur conversion ne nous donnera pas peu d'affaire. Leur vie libertine et fainéant, leur esprit grossier et qui ne peut guère comprehendre, la disette des mots qu'ils ont pour expliquer nos mystères, n'ayans jamais eu aucun culte divin, nous exercera à bon escient” [Their conversion will be difficult. Their licentious and slothful life, their crude intellect which can hardly understand, the poverty of their language when it comes to explaining divine mystery, for never have they had any true religion, will try us greatly] (Charles Lalement to Jerome Lalement, August 1626, in Monumenta Novae Franciae [henceforward MNF], ed. Campeau, L. [Montreal: Les Editions Bellarmins, 1967], 2: 52).Google Scholar

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42. The language of spiritual conquest amidst arduous conditions was used in de Montoya, Antonio Ruiz, The Spiritual Conquest Accomplished by the Religious of the Society of Jesus in the Provinces of Paraguay, Paraná, Uruguay and Tape (1639; reprint, St. Louis: Institute of Jesuit Sources, 1993).Google Scholar

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45. Le Jeune's writings are available in Monumenta Novae Franciae [cited as MNF], vols. 2–5, and in the bilingual edition, The Jesuit Relations and Allied Documents [henceforward cited as JR], ed. Thwaites, Reuben Gold, 73 vols. (1896–1901; reprint, New York: Pageant, 1959).Google ScholarThe 1634 Relation is annotated in Le Missionnaire, I'apostat et le sorcier, ed. Laflèche, Guy (Montreal: Presses de l'Université de Montréal, 1972).Google Scholar

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47. “Lettre circulaire sur la mort de Paul Lejeune,” MNF 2: 377.

48. Jesuit skepticism is treated in Goddard, Peter A., “The Devil in New France: Jesuit Demonology in the Early Missions, 1611–1650,” Canadian Historical Review 18 (1997): 4062.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

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56. Beaulieu, , Convertir lesfils de Caïn, 161–63.Google Scholar

57. Lafitau, , Moeurs de sauvages amériquains, 1:5.Google Scholar

58. Lafitau, , Moeurs des sauvages amériquains, 67. Lafitau refuted the atheist suggestion that the existence of godless peoples implied limitations on the universalist claims of Christianity.Google Scholar