Published online by Cambridge University Press: 28 July 2009
When the twenty–two year old Andronicos II (1282–1328) acceded to the throne of Byzantium, the empire was in a state of political, social, and ecclesiastical decline. This paper will consider the attempts of Patriarch Athanasios I to reverse this process of decay and to eliminate foreign religious elements from the capital of the Orthodox Byzantine empire. In 1261, the Byzantine empire had been restored to its capital, Constantinople, after fifty-seven years of Latin occupation. The city, however, had declined sadly from its former glory. The area of its effective hegemony was reduced to sections of western Anatolia and Greece, some islands in the Aegean, and Byzantine Thrace. Even this pitiful remnant was subject to the continuing assaults of the Turks, the pillaging of Catalan mercenaries turned hostile, the exploitation of Latin merchants, and threats of a Western military adventure to restore a Latin kingdom and Church of Constantinople.
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12. Athanasios complained about the presence of these four groups of non-Orthodox in several letters. See for instance V = 12r (Talbot, 23; Regestes, 1621), V = 16v–17r (Talbot, 36; Regestes, 1639), V= 18r–19r (Talbot, 41; Regestes, 1622), and V = 31r–32r (Talbot, 46; Regestes, 1693). Athanasios used the terms Αατινοι, ‘Igr;ραλogr;ι and φράγγοι interchangably to refer to Westerners. The Jewish population provides an interesting focal point from which to study Byzantine dissidents. Prior to 1204, Byzantine Jews enjoyed approximately two hundred years of relative stability. This was disrupted by the Latin occupation. After the reconquista of 1261, their position again improved and they were among the groups invited by Michael VIII to repopulate the capital. Andronicos II established a Jewish quarter in the city; see Miklosich, Franz and Müller, J., Acta et diplomata medii aevi sacra et profana (Vienna, 1860), 5:83.Google Scholar Athanasios was not pleased with Jewish presence in the city; see V = 18r (Talbot, 41; Regestes, 1622), where he complains of τήν θεοκτόνον συναγωγη μή μόνον μέσον Καθίζεσθαι παραχωρούμεν τώνΟρθοδόξων. In another location, V = 226r (Regestes, 1777), Athanasios refers to the necessity Ιονδαιονσ τούσ θεοκτόνονσ μισείν For an introduction to Byzantine Jewry, see Sharf, Andrew, Byzantine Jewry to the Fourth Crusade (New York, 1971).Google Scholar
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14. Laiou, Angeliki E., Contantinople and the Latins: The Foreign Policy of Andronicus II (Cambridge, 1972), pp. 324–326;Google Scholar Andronicos II considered only one union effort just before the end of his reign in 1328.
15. Diehl, Charles, History of the Byzantine Empire, trans. Ives, George (Princeton, N.J., 1925), P. 157.Google Scholar All sympathy for Latin ideas became the occasion for the accusation of treason. Diehl, however, carries this theme to the point of distortion when he claims that anti-Latinism was the “underlying cause” of the mid-fourteenth century Hesychast controversy. This judgement hardly does justice to the internal dynamism of the Orthodox Christianity of the period as evidenced in Meyendorff's recent studies; see Meyendorff, John, Introduction à l'étude de Grégoire Palamas (Paris, 1959);Google Scholar and idem, “Les debuts de la controversie hésychaste,” Byzantion 23 (1953):87–120. On the Byzantine anti-unionist sentiment from a Roman Catholic perspective, see Laurent, , “Un théologien unioniste de la fin du XIIIe siècle: le metropolite d'Adrianople Theoctiste,” Revue des Études byzantines 11 (1953):187–196;CrossRefGoogle Scholar and idem, “Grégorie,” ibid., pp. 272–273.
16. Delehaye, Hippolyte (ed.), “La Vie d'Athanase, Patriarche de Constantinople,” (in Greek) Mélanges d'archéologze et d'histore d'écolefrancaise de Rome 17 (1897):54.Google Scholar Theoktistos, Vita Athanasii will be referred to below from the Delehaye text as TVA. Athonite tradition has tended to exaggerate Michael VIII's persecution of the Athonite monks; see Meyer, P., Die Haupturkunden für die Geschichte der Athoskloster (Leipzig, 1894), pp. 53–54;Google Scholar also see Rouillard, Germaine, “La politique de Michel VIII Paléologue à l'égard des monastères,” Études byzantines 1 (1943):73–84.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
17. TVA, pp. 51–52, 56–57.
18. V = 208r (Regestes, 1764).
19. V = 11r (Talbot, 19; Regestes, 1680); V = 226r (Regestes, 1777); this is a traditional Byzantine canonical ban dating to the fourth century Council of Laodicea (Canon 37).
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24. Miklosich, and Muller, , Acta, 3:84–87.Google Scholar During the fourteenth century the pastor of St. Mary's Church functioned as the official notary for the Venetian community in Constantinople; see Janin, , Constantinople, pp. 248–249.Google Scholar
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28. Pachymeres, 2:538; the angered Dominicans turned their hostility on the Pisan exarch for his role in the transfer.
29. Dondaine, Antoine, “‘Contra Graecos’. Premiers écrits polémiques des Dominicains en orient,” Archivum Fratrum Praedicatorum 21 (1951):321–388.Google Scholar It was the Tractatus contra Graecos written in Constantinople circa 1252 from which St. Thomas Aquinas borrowed some of the content of his Contra errores Graecorum.
30. V = I 2r (Talbot, 23; Regestes, 1621): τά τών Αατνων καί όπως αδεώς διδάσκειν τοτοςν άκούομεν. Laurent, , Regestes, 1621,Google Scholar takes τά vôn Αατινων to be a reference to Athanasios' fear of Latin propaganda from Byzantine supporters of the union. This is most probably a reference to Latin religious propaganda originating in the Dominican monastery.
31. Adam, Guillaum, “De modo Sarracenos extirpandi,” edited by Koehler, C. in Recueil des Historiens des Croisades, Documents arméniens (Paris, 1906), 2:523–548:Google Scholar quia eciam pertimescebat ne populus as sanam doctrinam et vite exemplum fratrum nostrum, Predicatorum scilicet et Minorum, converterentur, eos de Civitate Constantinopolitana expulit, etjuravit in manibus monacharum quod mun quam aliquem de predictis fratribus infra Constantinopolim permitteret habitare. Talbot, Commentary on letter #23, 330, assumes that the Latin monastery in Constantinople was a Franciscan (Minorite) establishment. Pachymeres' references, 2: 537–538, are too general to determine which order occupied the monastery. Adam, however, is more specific in referring to a double establishment.
32. For an excellent introduction to Latin-Greek mixed marriages during the period here considered, see Nicol, Donald M., “Mixed Marriages in Byzantium in the Thirteenth Century,” in Dugmore, C. W. and Duggan, Charles (eds.), Studies in Church History 1 (London, 1964):160–172.Google Scholar
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37. Gregoras, Nicephoros, Historia Byzantina (Bonn, 1829), 1:234.Google Scholar “Unbelievable as it may seem, it was her [Irene's] desire that the sons of the emperor should not rule as sovereigns in accordance with old Roman custom, but should partition Roman towns and lands after the Latin fashion.”
38. Constantinidi-Bibikou, , “Yolande,” p 425.Google Scholar Also cf. Pachymeres, 2:379; and Gregoras, 1:240.
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43. V = 69v (Talbot, 84; Regestes, Appendix 8): και αλλοδαπεί γή βαρβάροις κατοικουμένη.
44. V = 69r (Talbot, 84; Regestes, Appendix 8).
45. V = 69v (Talbot, 84; Regestes, Appendix 8): σωματικήν αναμενουντες βοήθειν.
46. Pachymeres records that, due to Athanasios' opposition, Andronicos forbade the entire project. Later, he suggested that Irene send their youngest son, Demetrios, to Italy (Pachymeres 2:598); as an apparent compromise, they sent their middle son, Theodore. Perhaps because Theodore was considerably younger than John and, hence, by Byzantine custom further removed from the Byzantine throne, Athanasios raised no vigorous objection to this arrangement. But as Athanasios had predicted, Theodore married a Genoese princess and declared obedience to the papacy; see Laiou, , “Byzantine Prince,” pp. 379–401.Google Scholar Gregoras 1:244 and 396 reports that Theodore later visited Constantinople with a shaven face after the Latin custom. Theodore also encouraged Andronicos' only flirtation with ecclesiastical union; see Omont, H., “Projet de reunion des Eglises greque et latine sous Charles le Bel en 1327,” Bibliothèque de l'école des chartes 53 (1892):254–257.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
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48. Pachymeres, 2:274, mentions that Boniface VIII crowned Charles of Valois as emperor, even though he had no empire to assume. See Reynaldus, Odoricus, Annales ecciesiastici denuo excusi ad A. Theiner (Barri-Ducis, 1870), p. 1304, #29.Google Scholar
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50. Reynaldus, , Annales, p. 1306, #52;Google Scholar see also p. 1397, #56, where the pope urges Charles II of Naples to reconquer Constantinople for the Latin church.
51. Bréhier, , L'église, p. 267.Google Scholar
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54. Runciman, , Crusades, pp. 431–432;Google Scholar Runciman refers to Lull as “unpleasantly intolerant” of Greek Christians.
55. Adam, , “De modo,” cxciv, 553;Google Scholar Constantinople is described as a convenient point from which to occupy Anatolia and retake Syria.
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58. Constantinidi-Bibikou, , “Yolande,” p. 426;Google Scholar also on the conspiracy, see idem, “Documents concernant l'histoire byzantine, déposés aux Archives Nationales de France,” Mélanges offerts à Octave et Melpo Merlier (Athens, 1956), 1:129, where three Byzantine documents relating to the conspiracy are discussed.
59. V = 7r (Talbot, 13: Regestes, 1610).
60. Ostrogorsky, , History, p. 495.Google Scholar
61. Constantinidi-Babikou, , “Yolande,” p. 436;Google Scholar also Moranville, , “Projets,” p. 12, n.5.Google Scholar Pertinent to this discussion are the documents appended to Laiou, , Constantinople, pp. 341–343.Google Scholar
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64. Moranville, , “Projets,” pp. 63–64.Google Scholar
65. Pachymeres, 2:310–314.
66. Finlay, George, A History of Greece, 7 vols. (Oxford, 1877), 3:389.Google Scholar
67. Laiou, , Constantinople, pp. 127–129.Google Scholar
68. Muntaner, Ramon, The Chronicle of Muntaner, trans. Goodenough, Lady (London, 1921), p. cxcix.Google Scholar Pachymeres, 2:395–396. There is much recent and valuable work on the Catalans, see for instance Lluch, Rubióy, Diplomatari de l'Orient Catala, 1302–1409 (Barcelona, 1947).Google Scholar
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70. On the date of the arrival, cf. Caro, George, “Zur Chronologie der drei letzten Bürden des Pachymeres,” Byzantinische Zeitschrift 6 (1897):115–116.CrossRefGoogle Scholar The group is traditionally referred to as Catalans because it was composed primarily of Catalonians; its lightly armed infantry men, the Almugavors, were the most effective part of the band; cf. Laiou, , Constantinople, p. 134.Google Scholar
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73. Pachymeres, 2:316.
74. Muntaner, , Chronicle, p. ccii,Google Scholar reports that they would have taken Constantinople had they had ships available.
75. Pachymeres, 2:388, 410, 412.
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78. Pachymeres, 2:288; on leaving the city, Michael bitterly ordered the inhabitants not to admit Roger.
79. V = 3v (Talbot, 3; Regestes, 1673); cf. Bǎnescu, , “Athanase,” p. 43.Google Scholar
80. V = 16v (Talbot, 35; Regestes, 1630). Pachymeres repeats the charge that Andronicos refused to heed Athanasios' warnings regarding the Catalans; cf. Pachymeres, 2:399–400.
81. Cf. supra, note 85.
82. V = 6r (Talbot, 9; Regestes, 1594): τή εκκλησιαν καθάραι συγκοινωνιας τών Ιταλών.
83. V 76r (Talbot, 94; Regestes, 1608): λύκοάπελεγχθήτω is just one of the terms Athanasios used for the Catalans; on the use of the term “Sicilian”, cf. Talbot, Commentary on letter 94.
84. V = 31r (Talbot, 46; Regestes, 1693). Talbot, Commentary on letter 46, believes that Iταλών, in this letter is a reference either to Genoese, Venetians, or Catalans. It is most probably a reference to the Catalans, who, along with the Turks, were inflicting great suffering on the Byzantine Anatolian population.
85. Pachymeres, 2:349; Gregoras, 1:220.
86. Pachymeres, 2:522–523.
87. V = 47r (Talbot, 68; Regestes, 1624).
88. Muntaner, , Chronicle, p. ccx;Google Scholar Pachymeres, 2:493–494; Zakythinos, , Crise, pp. 8–10, 18–19.Google Scholar On this new coin, which was apparently produced in a face value and a debased edition, cf. Laurent, V., “Le basilicon: nouveau nom de monnie sous Andronic II Paléologue,” Byzantinisehe Zeztschrift 45 (1925):50–58.Google Scholar Laurent suggests that Andronicos had planned to rouse the Byzantine people against the Catalans who would be passing on inferior coinage to the general public.
89. Pachymeres, 2:506 (= στρατηγός αύτοκράτωρ) cf. Dölger, , Regesten #2277.Google Scholar
90. Pachymeres, 2:525;Gregoras, 1:223–224; Muntaner, , Chronicle, pp. ccxiii, ccviv, ccxv.Google Scholar
91. Pachymeres, 2:531–533; cf. also Laiou, , Constantinople, pp. 164–165.Google Scholar
92. Pachymeres, 2:618–619, 621–623.
93. Pachymeres, 1:622–623. Several imperial embassies were sent to de Rocafort offering him and his troops money and citizenship if they would again resume Byzantine service. Cf. Dölger, , Regesten, #2302 (14 10 1306).Google Scholar
94. Muntaner, , Chronicle, p. ccxxv.Google Scholar
95. Ibid., pp. ccxxi-ccxxiii.
96. Pachymeres, 2:528–529.
97. Pachymeres, 2:628; also Laiou, , “The Provisioning of Constantinople During the Winter of 1206–07,” Byzantion 37 (1967):100–101.Google Scholar
98. V = 46r (Talbot, 67; Regestes, 1650).
99. V = 46v (Talbot, 67; Regestes, 1650).
100. Nicol, , Centurie, p. 141.Google Scholar
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102. V 81r (Talbot, 106; Regestes, 1606); cf. also Brǎtianu, G. I., “La question de l'aprovisionnement de Constantinople a l'époque byzantine et ottomane,” Byzantion 5 (1929–1930):101.Google Scholar
103. Pachymeres, 2:461
104. Pachymeres, 2:493–494.
105. V 54r (Talbot, 72; Regestes, 1649).
106. V = 75r (Talbot, 93; Regestes, 1652).
107. Pachymeres, 2: 597, 605.
108. Cf. Book of the Prefect in J., and Zepos, P., Jus Graeco-Romanum (Athens, 1931), 2: 388;Google ScholarLaiou, , Constantinople, p. 196.Google Scholar
109. Laiou, , “Provisioning,” pp. 92–94.Google Scholar
110. Brǎtianu, G. I., Études byzantines d'histoire économique et sociale (Paris, 1938), pp. 161–162;Google Scholar in 1302 Andronicos concluded a treaty with the Venetians by which they were permitted to export wheat as long as the price was not greater than 100 hyperper/100 modioi in Constantinople.