² “Martinus, quasi Martern tenens, id est bellum contra vitia et peccata,” says Jacopo de Varagine—with other and more fanciful interpretations of the name. Legenda Aurea, ed. Th. Graesse, , 3 ed., Breslau, 1890, p. 741.Google Scholar

³ “Christi ego miles sum; pugnare mihi non licet.” Severas, Sulpitius, Vita S. Martini iGoogle Scholar; iv; Migne, PL, XX, 161 ffGoogle Scholar. Cf. de la Marche, A. Lecoy, Saint Martin, 3 ed., Tours, 1890, pp. 105 ff.Google Scholar; Foley, L., The Greatest Saint of France, Milwaukee, 1931, chapter ii.Google Scholar

⁴ Harnack attributes to Origen the first designation of the ascetic as “soldier of Christ.” Harnack, A., Militia Christi: die christliche Religion und der Soldatenstand in den ersten drei Jahrhunderten. Tübingen, 1905, pp. 14 ffGoogle Scholar. Cf. Cadoux, C. J., The Early Christian Attitude to War, London, 1919Google Scholar, and the article Militarisme by H. Leclercq in Cabrol, , Dictionnaire d'archaéologie chrétienne et de la liturgie, XI, i, 1108–1181.Google Scholar

⁵ “Erras, frater, erras, si putas unquam christianum persecutionem non pati.” S. Eusebii Hieronymii Epistulae, Ed. J. Hilberg, I (CSEL, LIV) 49Google Scholar. White, H. E., History of the Monasteries of Nitria and of Scetis, New York, 1932, pp. 14 fGoogle Scholar. Cf. Ryan, J., Irish Monasticism, Origins and Early Development, London and New York, 1931, pp. 195 ff.Google Scholar

⁶ Severas, Sulpitius, Dialogues, II, xiGoogle Scholar, in Migne, , PL, XX, 208Google Scholar; Benedicti regula monasteriorum, Ed. Linderbauer, B., Bonn, 1928, p. 13Google Scholar. Smaragdus, abbot of St. Michael's on the Meuse, in his Commentary on, the Rule of St. Benedict written ca. 817–830, has an eloquent passage on the words above quoted from the Preface, in which he contrasts “milites Dei” and “milites saeculi”. “… Illos avaritia facit crudeles, istos misericordia benignos. Illos invidia contentiosos, istos facit mansuetudo pacificos …” Migne, PL, CII, 695ff.Google Scholar

⁷ Vita Burchardi, viGoogle Scholar; Migne, PL, CXL, 575.Google Scholar

⁸ Thietmarii Merseburgensis Episcopi chronicon, Ed. Lappenbergh, J. M., Revised Ed., F. Kurze, Hanover, 1889, pp. 236 fGoogle Scholar. (viii, 62–vii, 45 of former edition.) Cf. Grupp, G., Kulturgeschichte des Mittelalters, II. Paderborn, 1923, p. 265.Google Scholar

⁹ Ingulph's Chronicle of An Abbey of Croyland, Tr. Riley, H. T., London, 1854, pp. 143 ffGoogle Scholar; 258. Ivo Taillebois is vividly treated in Charles Kingsley's wellknown tale, Hereward the Wake.

¹⁰ de Nogent, Guibert, Autobiography, III, iii, viiiGoogle Scholar., Tr. Bland, C. C. S.. London and New York, 1925; pp. 132, 156, 163 Cf.Google ScholarFunck-Brentano, F., The Middle Ages, Tr. O'Neill, E., New York, 1923, p. 82.Google Scholar

¹¹ Life in a Medieval Barony, New York and London, 1923, pp. 2, 8 ff.Google Scholar, 226, 324 ff. Calmette, J., referring to the warlike temper of the feudality, points out that they fought not only for property or honor but often from a “nostalgie de la bataille.” Le monde féodale, Paris, 1934, p. 174Google Scholar. “The feudal nobles,” writes Thompson, J. W., “almost all seem to have been violent, faithless, cruel.” The Middle Ages, New York, 1931, I, 339Google Scholar. (Thompson somewhat pessimistically adds: “The monks were no better.…”).

¹² The Anglo-Saxon Chronicle (anno 1137), Ed. Stevenson, J., Church Historians of England, II, i, 165, London, 1893Google Scholar; Round, J. H., Geoffrey de Mandeville, a Study of the Anarchy, London, 1892, pp. 210 if.Google Scholar; Hearnshaw, F. J. C., “Chivalry, its Place in History,” in Prestage, E., ed., Chivalry, a Series of Studies, by members of King's College, London, 1928, p. 63.Google Scholar

¹³ The romance has been edited by Meyer, P. and Longnon, A., Paris, 1882Google Scholar, and translated by Crosland, J., London, 1926.Google Scholar

¹⁴ Op. cit., p. 312.

¹⁵ Monks of the West, V, London and New York, 1896, pp. 7 ff.Google Scholar; 83, note 3; 464 f.; Bernoldi Chronicon, Ed. Pertz, G. H., MGH, Scriptures, V., p. 439.Google Scholar

¹⁶ Cf. Coulton, G. G., Five Centuries of Religion, Cambridge, 1923, I, pp. 79, 93, 249.Google Scholar On oblate children Coulton says that the monasteries and nunneries be came “the dumping-ground of the portionless children of good families,” op. cit, II, 61.Google Scholar On adult oblates see especially the study of Deroux, M. P., “Les origines de l'oblature Bénédictine,”Google Scholar 2 Partie, “l'oblature des adultes,” ch. I, in Revue Mabillon, XVII, 1927, 193 ff.; 210; 305 ff.; 344.Google Scholar Abbé Deroux argues that most of the oblates of mature years were recruited from the corps of the lay servants of monasteries, whose attachment to the institution in the first place was due to the disinclination of the monks to do manual work.

¹⁷ “Ad quae verba pater dietus compunctus, eum secutus est, et monachus factus est.” de la Marche, A. Lecoy, ed., Anecdotes historiques, légendes et apologues d'Etienne de Bourbon, Paris, 1877, p. 28 f.Google Scholar Stephen adds: “I heard this on the very spot on which the preachment was made, from Calo, lord of Fontaines, the Blessed Bernard's grand-nephew (pronepote).” The Editor notes that Calo was the son of a daughter of Bernard's elder brother, Guy.

¹⁸ The Vita by John of Salerno is given in Migne PL, CXXXIII, col. 343 ff. Cf. Mabillon, 's ElogiumGoogle Scholar, ibid., col. 85 ff.

¹⁹ Acta Sanctorum, L, (10 II), 220 ff.; 300 ffGoogle Scholar; (Vita, auctore anonymo, 5, 6, 11–14.)Google Scholar

²⁰ For Hildebert, 's Vita HugonisGoogle Scholar see Acta Sanctorum, XII, (04 III), 641 ff.Google Scholar A few years later (ca. 1055) that “monster of rapine” Robert I of Burgundy in hot rage stabbed Dalmatius to death. For reference see note 22 below.

²¹ Acta Sanctorum, XXXVIII, (08 IV), 101 ffGoogle Scholar; the Vita by William of St. Thierry begins on p. 256. On Stephen de Bourbon's account of the conversion of Tescelin see above, note 16.

²² Some members of his line were wicked enough, notably the founder, Robert I, who slew the father of Hugh the Great of Cluny. But Gregory VII had occasion (1079) to censure Hugh of Cluny for admitting to his monastery Hugh I, Duke of Burgundy. The pope took the ground that the duke was deserting his task: he argues that a hundred thousand Christians are left without a guardian, while there are scarce any God-fearing princes left in the world. The modern period is not unique in respect to the problem of the desertion of politics by good men! On the dukes of Burgundy in this period see Kleinclausz, A., Quomodo primi duces capetianae stirpis Burgundiae res gesserunt 1032–1162, Dijon, 1902, pp. 52 ff.Google Scholar, and Petit, E., Histoire des ducs de Burgogne de la race capétienne, Dijon, 1885, pp. 167 ff.; 270 ff.; 307 ff.Google Scholar Kleinclause quotes the letter of Hildebrand; for an English version, see Emerton, E., The Corres pondence of Pope Gregory VII, New York, 1932, pp. 138 f.Google Scholar

²³ Group Consciousness in Certain Phases of the Religious Life of the Eleventh Century. Typewritten dissertation, University of Chicago, 1925, p. 328.Google Scholar

²⁴ The Chronicle of Jocelin of Brakelond, Monk of St. Edmundsbury, Tr. Jane, E. C., London, 1905, pp. 57, 64, 86 ff.Google Scholar On monks who on occasion bore arma in war, see Feasy, H. J., Monasticism, London, 1898, p. 82.Google Scholar

²⁵ Thursday was to be hallowed by reason of the Ascension, Friday for the Passion, Saturday for the Entombment and Sunday for the Resurrection. See Jardet, P., Saint Odilon, Abbé de Cluny, Lyon, 1898, pp. 700–718.Google Scholar The liter ature on the Truce of God is listed with some fulness by Leclercq, in Hefele-Leclercq, , Histoire des conciles, IV, ii, 973 f.Google Scholar The plan was fruitful of excellent results. A. C. Krey points out that in subsequent years the Truce “extended sometimes to a period of several months and regularly included all days from Thursday to Monday and all festival days, besides certain special occasions, which left all told less than a fourth of the year to the unabated practice of feudal warfare.” (“The International State of the Middle Ages,” American Historical Review, XXVIII, 1922, 4).Google Scholar Krey observes that the Code of Chivalry recognized, on the one hand, the feudal allegiance, and on the other, the obligation of the Truce. P. Vinogradoff holds that the truce movement “attained material results under the guidance of the church in the eleventh and twelfth centuries, and it became even more effective in the thirteenth when political potentates took it up.” Cambridge Medieval History, III, 465.Google Scholar Highly favorable too is Semichon, E., La Paix et la Trève de Dieu, Paris, 1857, pp. 74 ff.; 315 ff.Google Scholar Less favorable is the view of Lavisse, , Histoire de France, II, 2, 133 ff.Google Scholar

²⁶ De laude novae militiate, Chs. ii–iv., in Migue, PL, CLXXXII, 923 ff.Google Scholar

²⁷ Lull, 's Libre del orde de couayleriaGoogle Scholar was translated and printed by Caxton. The Caxton text is edited by Byles, A. T. P., The Book of the Order of Chivalry. Early English Text Society, 1926. See especially pp. 76 ff.Google Scholar

²⁸ On the general subject of Chivalry may be consulted: Cornish, F. W., Chivalry, London, 1911Google Scholar; Gautier, J., La chevalerie, Paris, 1883Google Scholar; Digby, K. H., The Broad Stone of Honour, London, 1872Google Scholar; Meller, W. C., A Knight's Life in the Days of Chivalry, London, 1924Google Scholar; Prestage, E., ed., Chivalry, A Series of Studies…., London, 1928Google Scholar; Prutz, H., Die geistlichen Ritterorden, Berlin, 1908Google Scholar; Woodhouse, F. C., The Military Religious Orders of the Middle Ages, London, 1879.Google Scholar For a short evaluation see Wright, R. F., Medieval Internationalism, London, 1930, pp. 154 ff.Google Scholar

²⁹ “Zelus salutis animarum.” Walz, A. M., Compendium Ordinis Praedicatorum, Rome, 1933, pp. 10 f.Google Scholar

³⁰ Acta Sanctorum, XXXV, (08 I), 399Google Scholar; Clapham, J. H., “Commerce and Industry in the Middle Ages,” Cambridge Medieval History, VI, 482Google Scholar; Scheeben, H. C., Der heilige Dominikus, Freiburg, 1927, pp. 7, 15 ff.Google Scholar

³¹ Acta Sanctorum, XXXV, 418 ff.Google Scholar; Drane, A. T., History of St. Dominic, London, 1891, pp. 243–6Google Scholar; Guiraud, J., Histoire de l'inquisition au Moyen Age, I, Paris, 1935, 397 ff.Google Scholar Dominic's patron, Bishop Fulk of Toulouse, organized the White Brotherhood, which formed a contingent of 5,000 soldiers in Simon de Montfort's army. Giraud thinks it probable that Dominie followed this model in his “militia.” He also indicates the close but indeterminate relation between the Dominicans and the “Poor Catholics” who came over from the heretical “poor of Lyons,” and pledged themselves to “reading, preaching, teaching, and discussion in order to combat all kinds of heresy,”

³² “Les hagiographes franciscains se sont montrés d'une extrême sévérité dans le jugement qu'ils ont porté sur le père de saint François. Ils se sont évertués à faire de Pierre Bernardone un mauvais homme, un père dénaturé, vindicatif, avaricieux, cupide et brutal. Il ne me parait pas qu'ils aient eu raison.” Batault, G., “Saint François d'Assise,” Mercure de France, CXCI, 1926, 10 f.Google Scholar I am indebted to my friend, Dr. Gabriel Eombotis, for calling my attention to this scholarly article.

³³ Boehmer, H., Analekten zur Geschichte des Francisons von Assisi, 2. ed., (F. Wiegand), Tübingen, 3930, pp. 21, 26, 31Google Scholar; de Ligt, B., La paix créatrice; histoire des principes et des tactiques … de l'action directe contre la guerre, Paris, 1934, II, 283Google Scholar; Hutton, E., The Franciscans in England, 1224–1538, London, 1926, p. 217Google Scholar; Gratien, P., Histoire de la fondation et de l'evolution de l'ordre des Frères mineurs, Paris, 1928, p. 278Google Scholar; Little, A. G., Studies in English Franciscan History, Manchester, 1917, pp. 129 ff.Google Scholar A scholarly treatment of Francis as a peacemaker is contained in Petry, K. C.'s typewritten dissertation, The Ideal of Poverty in Francis of Assist, University of Chicago, 1932, pp. 160 ff.Google Scholar

³⁴ Boehmer, , op. cit., p. 51Google Scholar; de Robeck, N., Among the Franciscan Tertiaries, London and Toronto, 1929, pp. 16 f.Google Scholar; Ligt, loc. cit; Heimbucher, M., Die Orden und Kongregationen der katholischen Kirche, Paderborn, 1896, I, 365.Google Scholar