Article contents
The Anglican Origins of Newman's Celibacy
Published online by Cambridge University Press: 28 July 2009
Extract
In his historical defense of the doctrines of the Church of England, published in 1826, Robert Southey assumed that “the question concerning the celibacy of the clergy had been set at rest throughout Protestant Europe.” The conclusion that Anglicanism necessarily entailed the rejection of celibacy was, in early-nineteenth-century England, decidedly premature, and the ambiguity over celibacy in the Church of England is starkly and exceptionally exposed in the life and work of John Henry Newman. Recent assessments of Newman's peculiar standing in Victorian society have often emphasized the sexual—or rather, the seemingly sexless—dimension of his image, as if to concur with Sydney Smith's celebrated witticism: “Don't you know, as the French say, there are three sexes—men, women, and clergymen?” The nature of specifically clerical celibacy, however, and its influence on the young Newman, have tended to be overlooked in favor of a general psychosexual understanding of his own unwillingness to marry. As an antidote to such readings, this essay will explore the distinctively Anglican and firmly intellectual tradition behind Newman's decision, and will thereby argue that his celibacy was not as “perverse”—a word which, in Victorian England, connoted conversion to Catholicism as well as sexual peculiarity—as it has sometimes been made to seem.
- Type
- Research Article
- Information
- Copyright
- Copyright © American Society of Church History 1996
References
1. Southey, Robert, Vindicae Ecclesiae Anglicanae: Letters to Charles Butler, Esq. Comprising Essays on the Romish Religion and Vindicating the Book of the Church (London, 1826), p. 286.Google Scholar
2. Holland, Lady, A Memoir of the Reverend Sydney Smith (London, 1855), 1:262.Google Scholar
3. Buckton, Oliver S., “‘An Unnatural State’: Gender, ‘Perversion,’ and Newman's Apologia pro vita sua,” Victorian Studies 35 (1992): 359–383Google Scholar. Protestants were consciously reversing the procelibacy arguments of the early church; see Brown, Peter, The Body and Society: Men, Women and Sexual Renunciation in Early Christianity (New York, 1988)Google Scholar, and Pagels, Elaine, Adam, Eve, and the Serpent (London, 1988).Google Scholar
4. For discussion of some early polemics, see Yost, John K., “The Reformation Defense of Clerical Marriage in the Reigns of Henry VIII and Edward VI,” Church History 50 (1981): 152–165.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
5. On Burnet as a defender of the Reformation, see Champion, J. A. I., The Pillars of Priestcraft Shaken: The Church of England and Its Enemies, 1660–1730 (Cambridge, U.K., 1992), pp. 27–32, 77–87Google Scholar. For his opinion of clerical marriage, see Burnet, Gilbert, The History of the Reformation of the Church of England (London, 1679–1715), 2:92.Google Scholar
6. Wharton, Henry, A Treatise of the Celibacy of the Clergs (London, 1688), pp. 164, 168.Google Scholar
7. Burner, , History of the Reformation, 2:89.Google Scholar
8. Ibid., 2:89–91.
9. Burnet, , An Exposition of the Thirty-nine Articles of the Church of England (London, 1699), pp. 356–362.Google Scholar
10. Richoels, Robert W., “Celibacy and Clericalism in Counter-Reformation Thought: The Case of Robert Bellarmine,” in Jerome, Friedman, ed., Regnum, Religio et Ratio: Essays Presented to Robert M. Kingdon (Kirksville, Mo., 1987), pp. 145–151.Google Scholar
11. On Bingham, see Barnard, L. W., “Joseph Bingham and Asceticism,” in Shiels, W.J., ed., Monks, Hermits and the Ascetic Tradition (Oxford, 1985), pp. 299–306.Google Scholar
12. Bingham, Joseph, Origines Ecclesiasticae: or, the Antiquities of the Christian Church (London, 1708–1709), 2:151, 152, 154–157, 158.Google Scholar
13. Taylor, Jeremy, Holy Living, in Stanwood, P. G., ed., Holy Living and Holy Dying (Oxford, 1989), 1:73–74.Google Scholar
14. Ibid., 1:79–80.
15. Cited in Poems of the Late George Monk Berkeley, Esg. (London, 1797), p. ccccxxii noteGoogle Scholar. I am grateful to Richard Sharp for supplying this reference.
16. Law, William, A Practical Treatise upon Christian Perfection (London, 1726), p. 2.Google Scholar
17. Law, , A Serious Call to a Devout and Holy Life (London, 1729), pp. 138–139, 358–360, 365.Google Scholar
18. Ibid., p. 349.
19. Ibid., p. 482.
20. Law, , Some Animadversions upon Dr. Trapp's Late Reply, appended to An Appeal to All That Doubt, or Disbelieve the Truths of the Gospel, Whether They Be Deists, Arians, Socinians, or Nominal Christians, in his Works (London, 1762–1785), 6:254–257.Google Scholar
21. Ibid., pp. 260, 263. For a fuller discussion of Law's controversial engagement with his contemporaries, see Young, B. W., “William Law and the Christian Economy of Salvation,” English Historical Review 109 (1994): 308–322.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
22. Law, , The Spirit of Prayer: or, the Soul Rising Out of the Vanity of Time, into the Riches of Eternity, in his Works, 7:89Google Scholar. On the unisexual model of gender dominant in the premodern period, see Thomas, Laqueur, Making Sex: Body and Gender from the Greeks to Freud (Cambridge, Mass., 1990).Google Scholar
23. On Wesley's estrangement from Law, see the letters of 1738 which Wesley sent to and received from Law in The Works of John Wesley, ed. Frank, Baker (Oxford, 1980), 25:540–550Google Scholar. See also Wesley's 1756 letter to Law in The Letters of the Rev.John Wesley, MA., ed. John, Telford (London, 1931), 3:332–370Google Scholar. For discussion, see Green, J. Brazier, John Wesley and William Law (London, 1945)Google Scholar, chapters 2 and 7.
24. Michael, Watts, The Dissenters (Oxford, 1978), 1:420–421.Google Scholar
25. Abelove, Henry, The Evangelist of Desire: John Wesley and the Methodists (Stanford, Calif., 1990), pp. 31–39, 49–53.Google Scholar
26. Wesley, John, Thoughts on a Single Life (London, 1765), pp. 4–5, 8, 10–11Google Scholar. This work refined the argument of a 1743 tract, Thoughts on Marriage and a Single Life.
27. Spurgeon, Caroline F. E., “William Law and the Mystics,” in The Cambridge History of English Literature (Cambridge, U.K., 1912), 9:305–328Google Scholar; Grant, Patrick, “William Law's Spirit of Love: Rationalist Argument and Behmenist Myth,” in Literature and the Discovery of Met hod in the English Renaissance (London, 1985), pp. 124–145CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Sitter, John E., Literary Loneliness in MidEighteenth-Century England (Ithaca, N.Y., 1982)Google Scholar, chapter 2; Orcibal, Jean, “The Theological Originality of John Wesley and Continental Spirituality,” in Rupert, Davies and Gordon, Rupp, eds., A History of the Methodist Church in Great Britain (London, 1965), 1:81–111Google Scholar; Duffy, Eamon, “Wesley and the Counter-Reformation,” in Jane, Garnett and Colin, Matthew, eds., Revival and Religion Since 1700: Essays for John Walsh (London, 1993), pp. 1–19.Google Scholar
28. See Myers, Mitzi, “Hannah More's Tracts for the Times: Social Fiction and Female Ideology,” in Schofield, Mary Anne and Cecilia, Macheski, eds., Fetter'd or Free?: British Women Novelists, 1670–1815 (Athens, Ohio, 1986), pp. 264–284.Google Scholar
29. More, Hannah, Coelebs in Search of a Wife: Comprehending Observations on Domestic Habits and Manners, Religion and Morals (London, 1808), 1:23, 72.Google Scholar
30. Ibid., 1:206.
31. Ibid., 1:211, 225, 229.
32. Ibid., 2:109, 420.
33. On the central place of marriage and the family in such circles, see Jay, Elisabeth, The Religion of the Heart: Anglican Evangelicalism and the Nineteenth Century Novel (Oxford, 1979), pp. 106–205Google Scholar; Tolley, Christopher J., “The Legacy of Evangelicalism in the Lives and Writings of Certain Descendants of the Clapham Sect, with Special Reference to Biographical and Historical Literature,” (D. Phil. dissertation, Oxford University, 1980), pp. 108–146Google Scholar; Annan, N. G., “The Intellectual Aristocracy,” in Plumb, J. H., ed., Studies in Social History: A Tribute to C. M. Trevalyan (London, 1955), pp. 241–287.Google Scholar
34. Gibbon, Edward, A Dissertation on the Subject of L'homme au masque de fer, in Miscellaneous Works, ed. John, , Lord, Sheffield (London, 1796–1815), 2:527–530Google Scholar. Celibacy headed the list of Hume's “monkish virtues,” along with fasting, penance, mortification, self-denial, humility, silence, and solitude: Hume, David, Enquiries Concerning Human Understanding and Concerning the Principles of Morals, ed. Selby-Bigge, L. A., 3d ed., rev. P. H. Nidditch (Oxford, 1975), p. 270CrossRefGoogle Scholar. For Gibbon's disapprobation of monasticism, see The History of the Decline and Fall of the Roman Empire, ed. Bury, J. B. (London, 1896–1900), 4:57–75.Google Scholar
35. Newman, , Apologia pro Vita Sua, ed. Svaglic, Martin J. (Oxford, 1967), pp. 19, 20, 34, 58.Google Scholar
36. Newman, , Loss and Gain: The Story of a Convert, ed. Hill, Alan G. (Oxford, 1986), p. 251.Google Scholar
37. Ibid., pp. 138–139.
38. Cited in Engel, A. J., From Clergyman to Don. The Rise of the Academic Profession in Nineteenth-Century Oxford (Oxford, 1983), p. 15Google Scholar. On the removal of celibacy restrictions at Cambridge, see Rothblatt, Sheldon, The Revolution of the Dons: cambridge and Society in Victorian England (London, 1968), pp. 242–244Google Scholar. For the experience of Arthur Hugh dough in this connection, see Maynard, John, Victorian Discourses on Sexuality and Religion (Cambridge, U.K., 1993), chapter 2.Google Scholar
39. Hawkins, John, An Essay on the Law of Celibacy Imposed on the Clergy of the Roman Catholic Church, and Observed in All the Religious Orders Abroad (Worcester, U.K., 1790), p. 191n.Google Scholar
40. The Gentleman's Magazine 60 (1790): 503–505, 613Google Scholar. Chastity was not so easily enforced on sexually active undergraduates: for one significant aspect of this see Engel, Arthur J., “‘Immoral Inteutions’: The University of Oxford and the Problem of Prostitution, 1827–1914,” Victorian Studies 23 (1979–1980): 79–107.Google Scholar
41. For a sensitive handling of such issues, see Newsome, David, On the Edge of Paradise: A. C. Benson, the Diarist (London, 1980), chapter 6.Google Scholar
42. Faber, Geoffrey, The Oxford Apostles: A Character Study of the Oxford Movement (London, 1933), pp. 25–35, 215–232Google Scholar. For an argument that the revival of Greek studies was often associated with enthusiasm for “Greek love,” see Dowling, Linda, Hellenism and Homosexuality in Viclonan Oxford (Ithaca, N.Y., 1994).Google Scholar
43. Porter, Roy, “Mixed Feelings: The Enlightenment and Sexuality in Eighteenth-Century Britain,” in Paul-Gabriel, Bouce, ed., Sexuality in Eighteenth-Century Britain (Manchester, U.K., 1982), p. 13.Google Scholar
- 3
- Cited by