1. Critical and Historical Essays, Vol. 2 (London: Everyman's Library edition, n.d.), 38–39.Google Scholar

2. Idem, A New Kind of History and Other Essays (New York, 1973), pp. 12–26.

3. There is no complete study of the apocalyptic role of the medieval papacy. The fullest discussion is in Reeves, Marjorie, The Influence of Prophecy in the Later Middle Ages (Oxford, 1969),Google Scholar Pt. 4, “Angelic Pope and Renovatio Mundi,” pp. 393–508. See also Baethgen, Friedrich, Der Engelpapst. Idee und Erscheinung (Leipzig, 1943).Google Scholar

4. See Baethgen, 49- 51, for remarks on the dual nature.

5. For a survey see Preuss, Hans, Die Vorstellung vom Antichrist im späteren Mittelalter, bei Luther und in der konfessionalen Polemik (Leipzig, 1906).Google Scholar There was some interest among the Reformers in the positive pole, the notion of the Angel Pope. See Reeves, , Prophecy, 451–452, 487–490.Google Scholar

6. “Quid hunc reverendi patres in sublimi solio residentem veste purpurea et aurea radiantem, quid hunc, inquam, esse censetis? Nimirum si caritate destituitur solaque scientia inflatur et extollitur, Antichristus est in templo Dei sedens, et se ostendens tamquam sit Deus.” Gerbert, , Acta Concilii Remenses ac Sanctum Basolum im Monumenta Germaniae Historica (Berlin, 1826-).Google ScholarScriptores 3, 672.

7. MGH. Libelli de Lite, 2, 383.

8. I am referring to the interpretation of the Book of Revelation begun by the Donatist exegete Tyconius and canonized by Augustine in Book 20 of the De civitate Dei. On Tyconius and his influence, see Kamlah, Wilhelm, Apokalypse und Geschichtstheologie (Berlin, 1935);Google Scholar and Rauh, Horst Dieter, Das Bild des Antichrist in Mittelalter: Vom Tyconius zum Deutschen Symbolismus (Münster, 1973).Google Scholar

9. The earliest explicit witness to the legend is the famous Syriac text known as the Revelations of the Pseudo- Methodius. The most complete study of these myths remains that of Kampers, Franz, Kaiserprophetieen und Kaisersagen im Mittelalter (Munich, 1895).Google Scholar For a brief introduction in English, see Alexander, P.J., “Byzantium and the Migration of Literary Works and Motifs. The Legend of the Last Roman Emperor,” Mediaevalia et Humanistica, N.S. 2 (London and Cleveland, 1971), pp 47–68.Google Scholar

10. MGH. Libelli de Lite, 3, 509–510. See the discussion in Töpfer, Bernhard, Das kommende Reich des Friedens (Berlin, 1964), pp. 30–31.Google Scholar The context indicates a more apocalyptic dimension than this passing mention can highlight.

11. The best example in the twelfth century is that of the Waldensians. See the most up–to–date account in Lambert, Malcolm, Medieval Heresy. Popular Movements from Bogomil to Hus (New York, 1976), pp. 67–91.Google Scholar

12. On the political context of Joachim's thought, see Grundmann, Herbert, “Kirchenfreiheit und Kaisermacht um 1190 in der Sicht Joachims von Fiore,” Deutsches Archiv für Erforschung des Mittelalters 19 (1963): 353–396;Google Scholar and McGinn, Bernard, “Joachim and the Sibyl,” Cîteaux 34 (1973): 97–138.Google Scholar

13. E.g., the famous text in the Liber Concordie (Venice ed. 1519), f. 56rb.Google Scholar

14. M. Reeves has argued convincingly for the authenticity of this account (Prophecy, pp. 6–10), and shown that there are hints of the same belief in the Abbot's authentic works, notably Expositio in Apocalypsim (Venice, 1527), f. 168ra.Google Scholar For the text in Roger, see his Chronica in Rerum britannicarum medii aevi scriptores (Rolls Series: London, 1858–1911) 3, 78.Google Scholar In the account of this interview found in the so–called Benedict of Peterborough, Gesta Henrici II et Ricardi I (Rolls Series) 2, 151, Richard responds to Joachim by identifying the papal Antichrist with the current pope, Clement III.

15. Tondelli, Leone, Reeves, M. and Hirsch-Reich, Beatrice, Il Libro delle Figure (Turin, 1953),Google Scholar table 12. See the detailed study in Reeves, M. and Hirsch-Reich, B., The Figurae of Joachim of Fiore (Oxford, 1972), pp. 232–248.Google Scholar

16. See McGinn, B., “The Abbot and the Doctors: Scholastic Reactions to the Radical Eschatology of Joachim of Fiore,” Church History 40 (1971): 45–47.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

17. Innocent is attacked in the In Hieremiam written in the 1240s (Venice ed., 1516, f. 23r).

18. Baethgen, , Der Engelpapst, pp. 27–28.Google Scholar has seen the importance of this.

19. “Notandum est cunctis Christi fidelibus et firmiter tenendum, cum antichristus contrarius Christo dicitur, in tali eum statu venturum, in quo maxime adversetur et lapsus illius maxime aggravetur … in loco summi pontificis antichristum apparere oportebit…” Fratris Arnoldi De Correctione Ecclesiae Epistola …, ed. Eduardus Winkelmann (Berlin, 1865), p. 20.Google Scholar

20. In Hier., f. 53ra. “Nescio tamen si post tres dies vel annos resurgat pastor bonus et dux domus Israel.”

21. Opus Tertium (Rolls Series 15), p. 86. See a similar passage in the Compendium Studii (Rolls Series 15), p. 402.

22. Chronica (MGH. SS. 32, 493):

“En circa mille bis centum septuaginta

Tetraque: tune ille, velut annorum quadraginta,

Sanctus parebit et Christi scita tenebit,

Angelice vite, vobis pavor, o Giezite!”

An earlier version of these verses, without explicit references to Gregory, may be found in a Paris ms. described by Delisle, Leopold, Notices et extraits des manuscripts de la Bibliothèque Nationale 38, 2 (Paris, 1906), pp. 739–740.Google Scholar See Baethgen, pp. 14–17.

23. Some Franciscans had begun to show interest in Joachim's thought, especially in his notion of the three stages of history and his predictions regarding the viri spirituales, in the 1240s. In 1254 this led the young friar, Gerard of Borgo San Donnino, to advance heterodox views about the coming Third status. In the ensuing crisis Gerard was condemned to perpetual imprisonment and John of Parma, the Minister General and an ardent Joachite, was compelled to step down. Nevertheless, Bonaventure, the next General, was influenced by Joachite ideas in his own theology of history, and his thought had its mark on Olivi.

24. David Clark in an unpublished paper “Mountain and Cave in Joachimite Prophecy” has suggested that the description of the pastor angelicus as a naked hermit found in a cave has roots in a tradition stretching back to Joachim of Fiore's interpretation of St. Benedict and prevalent in the Joachite tradition. Robert Lerner, in contrast, points to the legend of the holy Pope Gregory discovered as a naked hermit, a story found in the popular Gesta Romanorum, chap. 81.

25. For Celestine's career, consult Baethgen, Der Engelpapst; Mann, Horace K., The Lives of the Popes in the Middle Ages (London-St. Louis, 1931), Vol. 17;Google ScholarSeppelt, Franz X., Studien zum Pontifikat Coelestins V (Berlin–Leipzig, 1911);Google Scholar and Monumenta Coelestiniana (Paderborn, 1921);Google Scholar and most recently Frugoni, Arsenio, Celestiniana (Rome, 1954).Google Scholar

26. These were led by Peter of Macerata and Peter of Fossombrone who changed their names to Fra Liberato and Fra Angelo da Clareno in the new order. The best study is in Frugoni, op. cit., 125–67.

27. Angelo's dramatic account of the history of his group up to c. 1317 may be found in his Epistola excusatoria edited by Ehrle, Franz in the Archiv für Literatur und Kirchenges-chichte 1 (1885): 521–533.Google Scholar

28. Reeves, , Prophecy, p. 57,Google Scholar suggests 1280–1290; Töpfer, , Das kommende Reich, 239–241,Google Scholar gives solid reasons for a date about 1298.

29. Chap. 6 of the Oraculum and accompanying Commentarium describe the opposition between the two in terms of a Joachite concordance with the careers of Rehoboam and Jeroboam in 3 Kings 12–13. In the same Chapter the coming holy pope is described as “… a wondrous bear, moved by the Spirit who comes forth from the rock and hastens to the Queen of Feathers and the New Seer.” Puir, Paul, “Oraculum Angelicum Cyrilli nebst dem Kommentar des Pseudojoachim,” in Burdach, Karl, Vom Mittelalter zur Reformation (Berlin, 1912), Vol. 2, Pt. 4, p. 282.Google Scholar

30. Bignami-Odier, Jeanne, “Les visions de Robert d'Uzès, O. P.,” Archivum Fratrum Praedicatorum 25 (1955):258–310, especially 279, 290–291.Google Scholar

31. Art historians and students of apocalypticism have not been able to agree on the precise dating of the Vaticinia. Grundmann in his ground-breaking article, “Die Papstprophetien des Mittelalter,” Archiv für Kulturgeschichte 19 (1929):91–93,Google Scholar argued for a date in the summer of 1304 during the course of the Conclave that resulted in the election of Clement V, and suggested that they were produced by Angelo's group newly returned from Greece after the death of the tyrant and anxious to do a little apocalyptic politicking (99–102). Reeves has accepted this dating in Prophecy, pp. 193–94, 402; and “Some Popular Prophecies from the Fourteenth to the Seventeenth Centuries,” in Popular Belief and Practice (Cambridge, 1972), pp. 107–109,Google Scholar though she admits the possibility of a dating as early as 1294 (p. 107, n. 2; p. 117, n. 1). Bernhard Degenhart in his study of the iconography of the Vaticinia places the earliest manuscript witness (Monreale, Bibl. Comm. ms. lat. 402, ff. 1–8), shortly after 1294; see Corpus der Italienischen Zeichnungen (Berlin, 1968) 1:221.Google Scholar

32. See articles cited in previous note. On the history of the Oracles, Leo, Mango, Cyril, “The Legend of Leo the Wise,” Recueil des travaux de l'Inslitut d'études byzantines. VI (Belgrade, 1960), pp. 59–93.Google Scholar In the absence of critical editions of either text and their respective iconographic traditions, it is impossible to determine just how far the textual dependence on the Leo Oracles extends.

33. These titles are found in a number of early mss., e.g., Vat. lat. 3822, f.6 (without illustrations).

34. The Liber de Flore has been described and partially edited by Grundmann, , “Die Liber de Flore,” Historisches Jahrbuch 49 (1929):33–91.Google Scholar See also Reeves, , Prophecy, pp. 320–321, 403–406.Google Scholar

35. The nature of apocalyptic thought with its tendency towards the inclusion of new elements aided this process. Baethgen has argued for a strong influence of Imperial myths on the developing notion of the holy pope from mid-century (Der Engelpapst, pp. 14–16, 40). See also Reeves, , “Joachimist Influences on the Idea of the Last World Emperor,” Traditio 17 (1961): 323–370.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

36. E.g., the Pseudo-Gamaleon text of c. 1439 has an evil French King crowned by the Pope. Then “… the Germans will choose themselves an Emperor from Upper Germany, that is, from the Rhine. He will summon a secular Council at Aachen and will set up a Patriarch in Mainz who will be crowned Pope.” See Herrmann, Erwin, “Veniet aquila de cuius volatu delebitur leo. Zur Gamaleon-Predigt des Johann von Wunschelburg,” Festiva Lanx. Studien zum mittelalterlichen Geistesleben (Munich, 1966), p. 115.Google Scholar

37. Like Bonaventure before him, Olivi attempted to coordinate the Joachite three-status view of history with the commonly accepted theory of the seven ages of the Church. For Olivi the fifth age, that of laxity, overlaps with the sixth age of evangelical renewal. The seventh age corresponds to Joachim's third status in many ways; but again like Bonaventure, Olivi emphasizes the activity of Christ, rather than the work of the Holy Spirit. See Manselli, Raoul, La “Lectura Super Apocalypsim” di Pietro di Giovanni Olivi (Rome, 1955), pp. 165–166;Google Scholar and “La Terza Età, Babylon e l'Anticristo Mistico,” Bulletino dell'Istituto Storico Italiano per il Media Evo 82 (1970), pp. 51–58.Google Scholar

38. For discussions see Manselli, , “La Terza Eta …,” 62–69;Google ScholarLa Lectura, pp. 219–223; Reeves, , Prophecy, pp. 407–408Google Scholar and especially Leff, Gordon, Heresy in the Later Middle Ages (Manchester, 1967), 1:126–139,Google Scholar who concludes “Olivi was perhaps the supreme example of heterodoxy becoming heresy in others.” On Olivi's condemnations. see Burr, David, The Persecution of Peter Olivi (Philadelphia, 1976).Google Scholar

39. . Found in such authors as Commodian (c. 250 ?), Carmen de duobus populis, lines 891- 936; Lactantius (c. 312), Institutiones divinae 7, 16–17, and Sulpicius Severus (c. 400), Dialogi 1. 41. On this tradition see Bousset, Wilhelm, The Antichrist Legend (London, 1896), 186–187.Google Scholar

40. See especially Liber figurarum, table 12.

41. See the texts given by Manselli, R. in “La Terza Età …,” pp. 70–77.Google Scholar The comparison of the antichristus mysticus with Simon Magus and the antichristus magnus with Nero shows that Olivi took his distinction from Joachim (see Expositio, f. 168r, mentioned in note 14 above).

42. On this periodization see Pásztor, Edith, “Giovanni XXII e il Gioachimismo de Pietro di Giovanni Olivi,” Bullettino dell'Instituto Storico Italiano per il Medio Evo 82 (1970): 84–85.Google Scholar

43. Pásztor, 109–11, has rightly seen the fundamental source of conflict between Olivi and John XXII in the question of reform.

44. See his work of 1305, Arbor vitae crucifixae Jesu 5, 8 (Venice, 1485), ff. 230rb-33ra.Google Scholar

45. Arbor vitae 5, 11, f. 237vb.

46. See Manseili, , Spirituali e Beghini in Provenza (Rome, 1959);Google ScholarLeff, , Heresy in the Later Middle Ages 1:195–230;Google Scholar and Lambert, , Medieval Heresy, pp. 197–206.Google Scholar

47. “Primus itaque error, qui de istorum officina tenebrosa prorumpit, duas fingit ecclesias, unam carnalem, divitiis pressam … cui Romanum praesulem aliosque inferiores praelatos dominari asserunt; aliam spiritualem, frugalitate mundam, virtute decoram, paupertate succinctam, in qua ipsi soli eorumque complices continentur … multa, quae de cursu temporum et fine saeculi somniunt, multa, quae de Antichristi adventu, quae iamiam instare asserunt … Denzinger, Henrici, Enchiridion Symbolorum (Rome, 1957), #485, 490.Google Scholar

48. “Item, dogmatizant esse duplicem Anti-Christum, videlicet unum spiritualem seu misticum et alium realem majorem Anti-Christum; et primum dicunt esse preparatorem vie secundi; et dicunt esse primum Anti-Christum ilium papam sub quo fiet et sub quo iam fit, ut aiunt, persecutio et condempnatio eorumdem.” (ed. Guillaume Mollat, p. 148; trans. from Wakefield, Walter and Evans, Austin, Heresies of the High Middle Ages, (New York, 1969), p. 425.Google Scholar

49. On the Fraticelli see Ehrle, Franz, “Die Spiritualen, ihr Verhältnis zum Franciscanerorden und zu den Fraticellen,” Archiv für Literatur-und Kirchengeschichte 1 (1885): 509–569;Google Scholar 2 (1886): 106–164, 249–336; 3 (1887): 553–623; 4 (1888): 1–190; Douie, Decima, The Nature and Effect of the Heresy of the Fraticelli (Manchester, 1934);Google Scholar and Oliger, Livarius, “Spirituels,” Dictionnaire de théologie catholique (Paris, 1941), 14, pt. 2, cols. 2522–2549.Google Scholar

50. Reeves, , “Some Popular Prophecies,” p. 118.Google Scholar

51. For the documents, Tocco, Felice, “II Processo dei Guglielmiti,” Rendiconti della R. Accademia dei Lincei. Classe di Scienze Morale, Ser. 5, 8 (1899): 309–342, 351–384, 407–432, 437–469.Google Scholar See also Biscaro, Gerolamo, “Guglielma la Boema e i Guglielmiti,” Archivio Storico Lombardo 57 (1930), 1–67.Google Scholar On Manfreda, as vicaria, Tocco, pp. 331–334, 336–338, 340, etc.Google Scholar

52. Töpfer, , Das kommende Reich, pp. 318–19,Google Scholar sees Dolcino's military activity as a forerunner of the later peasant revolts. This is denied by Violante, Cinzio, “Eresie urbane e eresie rurale in Italia dall'XI al XIII secolo,” L'Eresia Medievale (Bologna, 1974), pp. 179–183.Google Scholar

53. “… et dicit quod tunc omnes christiani erunt positi in pace et tune erit unus papa sanctus a deo missus mirabiliter…” Gui, Bernard, De secta illorum qui dicunt esse de ordine apostolorum in Rerum italicarum scriptores 9, pt. 5, p. 21.Google Scholar

54. Töpfer, 304, summarizes the question.

55. The Roman Tribune Cola di Rienzo (c. 1314–1354), who learned his apocalypticism from Fraticelli groups in the Abruzzi, may have come to see himself as the coming holy pope, though the evidence is not as clear as suggested by Burdach, Karl, Vom Mittelalter zur Reformation, Vol 2. Pt. 4, 194.Google Scholar For other examples see Baethgen, pp. 47–49; and Reeves, , Prophecy, pp. 412, 438.Google Scholar

56. The standard work is Bignami-Odier, Jeanne, Études sur Jean de Roquetaillade (Paris, 1952).Google Scholar See also Reeves, , Prophecy, pp. 416–418.Google Scholar

57. Jean indicates belief in a succession of Angelic Popes and is the earliest witness to the second series of the Vaticinia (see Reeves, , “Some Popular Prophecies,” p. 118).Google Scholar

58. Bibl. Angel. ms. 322, ff. 92vb-93rb.

59. “Some Popular Prophecies,” p. 119.

60. A critical listing of the mss. of the Vaticinia would be a project of great value for the history of medieval apocalypticism.

61. The text appears to be a reworking of an earlier compilation dating from c. 1356- 1365. The most detailed study is Donckel, Emil, “Studien über die Prophezeiung des Fr. Telesphorus von Cosenza O.F.M. (1365–1386),” Archivum Franciscanum Historicum 26 (1933): 29–104, 282–314.Google Scholar There is no modern edition.

62. Reeves, , Prophecy, p. 507,Google Scholar points out that the emphasis on the miraculous choice of the pastor angelicus certainly contains a critique of the customary manner of papal election.