¹ Richard of Hexham, Brevis annotatio, as Historia Hagustaldensis ecclesiae, in The Priory of Hexham, ed. Raine, James, Surtees Society 44 (London: Surtees Society, 1864)Google Scholar (hereafter cited as Brevis annotatio), 55. All translations of Brevis annotatio are my own.

² Richard of Hexham says those present included Cistercians (William, abbot of Rievaulx, and Æthelred, one of Eilaf's sons [that is, Aelred of Rievaulx]); Benedictines (Maurice the subprior, Aldred the secretarius, and Henry, a monk, all of Durham); Augustinians (a canon of Hexham named Richard, presumably the author); and Eilaf's two other sons, Samuel and Ethelwold: Brevis annotatio, 55. Eilaf was commemorated by the Benedictine monks at Durham in two of their memorial books: the Durham Liber Vitae (London, British Library, MS Cotton Domitian A.VII, fol. 46r) and the Durham Cantor's Book (Durham, Chapter Library, MS B.IV.24, fol. 38v). For the Durham Liber Vitae, which mentions three different Eilafs (although only one is indicated as presbiter), see Rollason, David and Rollason, Lynda, The Durham “Liber Vitae”: London, British Library, MS Cotton Domitian A.VII, 3 vols. (London: British Library, 2007), 3:100Google Scholar. For the Durham Cantor's Book and the identification of Eilaf, see Piper, A. J., “Early Lists and Obits of the Durham Monks,” in Symeon: Historian of Durham and the North, ed. Rollason, David (Stamford: Shaun Tyas, 1998), 169Google Scholar. For developments in monastic life in the twelfth century generally, see Constable, Giles, The Reformation of the Twelfth Century (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1996)Google Scholar.

³ For Aelred's works, see Hoste, Anselm, Bibliotheca Aelrediana: A Survey of the Manuscripts, Old Catalogues, Editions, and Studies Concerning St. Aelred of Rievaulx (Steenbrugge: Martinus Nijhoff, 1962)CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Pierre-André Burton, Bibliotheca Aelrediana Secunda: Une bibliographie cumulative (1962–1996), Textes et études du moyen age 7 (Louvain-la-neuve: Fédération International des Institutes d’Études Médiévales, 1997); and Sharpe, Richard, A Handlist of the Latin Writers of Great Britain and Ireland Before 1540 (Turnhout: Brepols, 1997), 28–30Google Scholar.

⁴ The text has been edited and printed with a variety of titles. I discuss my choice of Miracula below on p. 6.

⁵ Much of this scholarly work has appeared in such journals as Collectanea Cisterciensia and Cistercian Studies Quarterly, which have particular interests in Cisterican religious life and thought, both historically and contemporaneously. See, among others: Pierre-André Burton, “Aux origines de l'expansion anglaise de Cîteaux (I),” Collectanea Cisterciensia 61, no. 3 (1999): 186–214; republished as Burton, “The Beginnings of Cisterican Expansion in England: The Socio-Historical Context of the Foundation of Rievaulx,” Cistercian Studies Quarterly 42, no. 2 (2007): 151–182; Burton, , Ælred de Rievaulx 1110–1167: De l'homme éclaté a l’être unifié essai de biographie existentielle et spirituelle (Paris: Les Éditions du Cerf, 2010)Google Scholar; Dietz, Elias, “Ælred on the Capital Vices: A Unique Voice among the Cistercians,” Cistercian Studies Quarterly 43, no. 3 (2008): 271–293Google Scholar; Dietz, “L'ambivalence bien réfléchie: Une clé de lecture pour l'ensemble des oeuvres d'Aelred,” Collectanea Cisterciensia 73, no. 1 (2011): 13–26Google Scholar; Hallier, Amédée, The Monastic Theology of Aelred of Rievaulx, trans. Heaney, Columban, Cistercian Studies Series 2 (Spencer, Mass.: Cistercian, 1969)Google Scholar; Knowles, David, Saints and Scholars: Twenty-five Medieval Portraits (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1962), 34–50Google Scholar; Squire, Aelred, Aelred of Rievaulx: A Study (Kalamazoo, Mich.: Cistercian, 1981)Google Scholar; and Waddell, Chrysogonus, “The Hidden Years of Ælred of Rievaulx: The Formation of a Spiritual Master,” Cistercian Studies Quarterly 41, no. 1 (2006): 51–63Google Scholar.

⁶ See Gransden, Antonia, Historical Writing in England, c. 550–1307 (Ithaca, N.Y.: Cornell University Press, 1974), 212–216Google Scholar; Freeman, Elizabeth, Narratives of a New Order: Cistercian Historical Writing in England, 1150–1220, Medieval Church Studies 2 (Turnhout: Brepols, 2002), 19–87;CrossRefGoogle Scholar and Dutton, Marsha, “A Historian's Historian: The Place of Bede in Aelred's Contributions to the New History of His Age,” in Truth as Gift: Studies in Medieval Cistercian History in Honor of John R. Sommerfeldt, ed. Dutton, Marsha, LaCorte, Daniel M., and Lockey, Paul, Cistercian Studies Series 204 (Kalamazoo, Mich.: Cistercian, 2004), 407–448Google Scholar. For contextualizing Aelred's writing in a Yorkshire Cistercian context, see also Burton, Janet, The Monastic Order in Yorkshire, 1069–1215, Cambridge Studies in Medieval Life and Thought (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1999), 277–306CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

⁷ See especially Boswell, John, Christianity, Social Tolerance, and Homosexuality (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1980), 221–226;Google Scholar and the response of Dutton, Marsha, “Ælred of Rievaulx on Friendship, Chastity, and Sex: The Sources,” Cistercian Studies Quarterly 29, no. 2 (1994): 121–196Google Scholar. See also McGuire, Brian Patrick, Brother and Lover: Aelred of Rievaulx (New York: Crossroad, 1994)Google Scholar; and McGuire, , “Sexual Awareness and Identity in Aelred of Rievaulx (1110–1167),” American Benedictine Review 45, no. 2 (June 1994): 184–226Google Scholar.

⁸ Aelred's goals in Miracula “emphasize a part of his mental universe that is usually ignored or considered only in passing”: McGuire, Brother and Lover, 83. For example, a recent volume “Intentio cordis: Temps, histoire, mémoire chez Aelred de Rievaulx,” ed. Sophie Vaujour and Pierre-André Burton, special issue, Collectanea Cisterciensia 73, no. 1 (2011) dedicated to Aelred's thought and work contained only two cursory references to Miracula. The only comprehensive scholarly treatment of the text to date is Squire, Aelred, “Aelred and the Northern Saints,” Collectanea Ordinis Cisterciensium Reformatorum 23 (1961): 58–69Google Scholar.

⁹ Raine, Priory of Hexham, lxxv.

¹⁰ Aelred Squire describes the contents as “folk tales with all their vivid crudeness and violence” in Aelred of Rievaulx, 113; Pierre-André Burton identifies “nombreuses imperfections littéraires” in Ælred de Rievaulx 1110–1167, 494; and Dutton, Marsha notes its “curiously old-fashioned air” in Aelred of Rievaulx: The Lives of the Northern Saints, Cistercian Fathers Series 71 (Kalamazoo, Mich.: Cistercian, 2006)Google Scholar, 16. Maurice Powicke, however, called Miracula “a skillful and attractive bit of writing”: F. M. Powicke, trans., introduction to The Life of Ailred of Rievaulx by Walter Daniel (London: Thomas Nelson and Sons, 1950), xxxviii.

¹¹ Walter Daniel, Vita Ailredi, in The Life of Ailred of Rievaulx, trans. Powicke, 41–42.

¹² My translation. Aelred of Rievaulx, Miracula sanctorum patrum qui in ecclesia Hagustaldensis requiescunt (hereafter cited as Miracula), as De sanctis ecclesiae Haugustaldensis et eorum miraculis libellus in Priory of Hexham, ed. Raine, 173–174: “Nostra namque, nostra specialiter est ista festivitas, qui in his sacratissimis locis sub eorum patroncinio vivimus, quorum honori diei hujus gaudia dedicavimus.”

¹³ Raine, Priory of Hexham, 174, note d: “We must look upon the author as considering the reader of this Prologue, and not himself, and we must regard him as choosing words which the canon who recited them to his brethren could use with the most perfect propriety on each recurring anniversary of their festive day.”

¹⁴ Ibid., 173, note a. Mabillon called the work “De sanctis ecclesiae Haugustaldensis et eorum miraculis liber auctore anonymo canonico regulari, medio saeculo 12 ex ms Bibliotheca Bodlejana Oxoniae in Anglia”: Acta Sanctorum Ordinis S. Benedictis, saec. 3, pars 1 (Venice, 1668), 204.

¹⁵ London, British Library, MS Add. 38816, fol. 1r: “Incipiunt miracula sanctorum patrum qui in sancta Hagustaldensis ȩcclesiae requiescunt, dictata a uenerabili Hethelredo abbate.”

¹⁶ The catalog is found in Cambridge, Jesus College, MS 34 [Q.B.17], fols. 1r–5r. This particular volume is mentioned on fol.1v–2r. This volume is almost certainly London, British Library, MS Cotton Vitellius F.iii (hereafter referred to as F).

¹⁷ Bibliotheca hagiographica Latina antiquae et mediae aetatis (hereafter cited as BHL) (Brussels: Société de bollandistes, 1986), 3747, under the title Libellus de sanctis ecclesiae Hagustaldensis et eorum miraculis (auctore Aelredo abbate Rievallensi?).

¹⁸ Miracula was also epitomized in London, British Library, MS Cotton Vitellius A.xx, fols. 239v–241r [Tynemouth, s. xiii] which summarizes the events incident by incident, following the structure of Miracula. Confusingly, the epitome in Vitellius A.xx was printed by Raine with almost exactly the same capitulum that is found in manuscripts of the full text: “Miracula sanctorum patrum qui in ecclesia Hagustaldensi requiescunt”: Priory of Hexham, 216–219. For the manuscript, see Tite, Colin, ed. Catalogue of the Manuscripts in the Cottonian Library (Cambridge: D.S. Brewer, 1984), 84Google Scholar; and Ker, N. R., Medieval Libraries of Great Britain: A List of Surviving Books, 2nd ed. (London: Royal Historical Society, 1964), 191Google Scholar. There is another summary of miracles of the Hexham saints in York, Minster Library, MS XVI.I.12, fol. 12v [Durham, s. xiv]. However, this extract is in fact a summary of Richard of Hexham's De gestis regis Stephani, as it relates the saints’ protection of Hexham, not from the raids of Malcolm but from those of David in 1138, an event which Aelred does not discuss in Miracula. The manuscript also contains the Vita Eatae discussed below. See Ker, N. R., Medieval Manuscripts in British Libraries, vol. 4, Paisley-York (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1992), 720–722Google Scholar. See also Raine, Priory of Hexham, 79–80, note j; and Rollason, David, introduction to Libellus de exordio atque procursu istius hoc est Dunhelmensis ecclesie, by Symeon of Durham, ed. and trans. Rollason (Oxford: Clarendon, 2000), xxxiv–xxxviiCrossRefGoogle Scholar.

¹⁹ Catalogue of Additions to the Manuscripts in the British Museum in the Years 1911–1915, Part 1 (London: Trustees of the British Museum, 1925), 251–253; Ker, Medieval Libraries of Great Britain, 217; and Lawrence-Mathers, Anne, Manuscripts in Northumbria in the Eleventh and Twelfth Centuries (Woodbridge: Boydell and Brewer, 2003)Google Scholar, 121, 125, 212. Ker also noted, however, that fols. 18r–20r originated at Byland: Ker, Medieval Libraries of Great Britain, 22.

²⁰ Both York and Durham claimed tenurial privileges over Hexham. See Walterspacher, Ralph, The Foundation of Hexham Priory, 1070–1170, Papers in North Eastern History 11 (Middlesbrough: University of Teesside, 2002)Google Scholar.

²¹ Hoste, Bibliotheca Aelrediana, 127. Lawrence-Mathers thought that fols. 21r–39r originated at St. Mary's, although she did not make any claim about the provenance of the rest of the manuscript: Manuscripts in Northumbria, 125.

²² London, British Library, MS Add. 38816, fol. 1r: “Incipiunt miracula sanctorum patrum qui in sancta Hagustaldensis ȩcclesiae requiescunt, dictata a uenerabili Hethelredo abbate.”

²³ Transcribed in Squire, “Aelred and the Northern Saints,” 68–69. See also Bates, C. J., “Three Additional Miracles Attributed to Saint Acca of Hexham,” Archaeologia Aeliana 2nd ser., 20 (1898): 289–294Google Scholar.

²⁴ See Smith, Thomas, Catalogue of the Manuscripts in the Cottonian Library, 1696, ed. Tite, C. G. C. (Woodbridge: Boydell and Brewer, 1984), 103Google Scholar; Ker, Medieval Libraries of Great Britain, 159; and Hoste, Bibliotheca Aelrediana, 127. Lawrence-Mathers makes no mention of F.

²⁵ See BHL, 2423, 6239, 133. See Waddell, Chrysogonus, ed. The Primitive Cistercian Breviary (Fribourg: Academic, 2007), 453–455Google Scholar.

²⁶ London, British Library, MS Cotton Vitellius F.iii, fol. 44r: “Incipit prefacio Aelredi abbatis riuallis.”

²⁷ See Hoste, Bibliotheca Aelrediana, 153–154; and Ker, Medieval Libraries of Great Britain, 159.

²⁸ Cambridge, Jesus College MS 34 [Q.B.17], fols. 1r–5r at fols. 1v–2r: “Ailredus de uita sancti Eduardi. De generositate et moribus et morte regis Dauid. De uita sancti Niniani episcopi. De miraculis Haugustaldensis ecclesie in 1^o. uol.” See David N. Bell, ed. The Libraries of the Cistercians, Gilbertines, and Premonstratensians (London: British Library, 1992), 97. F has a sixteenth-century cursive title inserted on fol. 80r (which was partially damaged both in the fire and by later mounting of the leaf on paper) that calls our text “translation of the holy fathers of the church of Hexham on the fifth ides of March” (Translatio sanctorum ecclesiae v idus martii Haugustaldensis patrum).

²⁹ Bell, Libraries of the Cistercians, 89.

³⁰ Bell has persuasively argued that the thirteenth-century list of Rievaulx books in Cambridge, Jesus College, MS 34 [Q.B.17] was a copy of a list originally compiled in the “last decade of the 12th century”: Libraries of the Cistercians, 88.

³¹ Where a manuscript contains works by multiple authors, the Rievaulx library cataloger is generally careful to note that fact. For examples, see Bell, Libraries of the Cistercians, 93 (Z19.25); 95 (Z19.35); and 96 (Z19.38).

³² Raine, Priory of Hexham, 173, note c.

³³ Raine, Priory of Hexham, 173; Mabillon, Acta Sanctorum, 204; and Coxe, H. O., Bodleian Library Quarto Catalogues, vol. 2, Laudian Manuscripts, corrected by ed. W., R. Hunt (Oxford: Bodleian Library, 1973), 482–483Google Scholar. Neither Ker nor Lawrence-Mathers mentions L.

³⁴ Oxford, Bodleian Library, MS Laud Misc. 668, fol. 62r: “Miracula eatae.”

³⁵ Madan, Falconer and Craster, H. H. E., A Summary Catalogue of Western Manuscripts in the Bodleian Library at Oxford, vol. 2, part 1, Nos. 1–3490 (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1922)Google Scholar, 45; see also Sage, Carleton M., “The Manuscripts of St. Aelred,” The Catholic Historical Review, 34, no. 2 (January 1949): 442–444Google Scholar.

³⁶ A “Thom[a]s de Boynton” (d. 1402) was commemorated in the Durham Liber Vitae on fol. 72v. See Rollason, and Rollason, , The Durham “Liber Vitae,” 3:467–468Google Scholar.

³⁷ See Allison, K. J., A History of the County of York, East Riding (London: Institute of Historical Research, 1974), 2:21–29Google Scholar.

³⁸ Bruce Barker-Benfield, email message to author, 23 November 2015; and Coxe, Bodelian Library Quarto Catalogues, vol. 2, Laudian Manuscripts, x–xi.

³⁹ In a different quire, with a new hand and ruling pattern, it also contains an account of the martyrdom of Thomas Becket and Laurence of Durham's Vita Brigittae.

⁴⁰ A contains at least two systems of lection marks, but these occur only in the first half of the text, and so are not especially useful for modern editorial purposes. In their translation of Miracula, Jane Patricia Freeland and Marsha L. Dutton follow Mabillon's divisions: Freeland, trans., and Dutton, ed., Aelred of Rievaulx: The Lives of the Northern Saints, Cistercian Fathers Series 71 (Kalamazoo, Mich.: Cistercian, 2006), 65–107 (hereafter cited as Northern Saints).

⁴¹ I differ here in my analysis from Michael Lapidge and Rosalind Love, who rely on Raine to identify three main sections: an account of miracles effected by all the saints of Hexham, the miracles worked by Acca and Alchmund, and an account of the events of 1154/1155. While these three sections accurately describe the content, they do not take the organization of the text into account: Lapidge, and Love, , “The Latin Hagiography of England and Wales (600–1550)” in Hagiographies: Histoire internationale de la littérature hagiographique latine et vernaculaire en Occident des origines à 1500, ed. Philippart, Guy (Turnhout: Brepols, 2001), 3:261Google Scholar; and Raine, Priory of Hexham, 173–174, note b.

⁴² My translation. Aelred, Miracula, 173–174: “Præsentis diei veneranda festivitas, fratres karissimi, tanto nobis est suscipienda devotius, et festivius celebranda, quanto in ea specialius consolatio nostra, spes nostra, nostra insuper gloria commendatur. Nostra namque, nostra specialiter est ista festivitas, qui in his sacratissimis locis sub eorum patrocinio vivimus, quorum honori diei hujus gaudia dedicavimus.”

⁴³ For miracle collections generally, see Bartlett, Robert, Why Can the Dead do Such Great Things? Saints and Worshippers from the Martyrs to the Reformation (Princeton, N.J.: Princeton University Press, 2013), 558–567CrossRefGoogle Scholar. For miracle collections in twelfth-century England, see Koopmans, Rachel, Wonderful to Relate: Miracle Stories and Miracle Collecting in High Medieval England (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 2011)CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

⁴⁴ Aelred, Miracula, 183: “his nostris temporibus.”

⁴⁵ Historia regum, in Symeonis Monachi Opera Omnia, ed. Thomas Arnold, Rerum Britannicarum Medii Aevi Scriptores (Rolls Series) 75 (London: Longmans, 1885), 2:1–283; and Richard of Hexham, Brevis annotatio, 1–62.

⁴⁶ Casey, Michael, “An Introduction to Ælred's Chapter Discourses,” Cistercian Studies Quarterly 45, no. 3 (2010): 283–302Google Scholar.

⁴⁷ For instance, the text is grouped in Aelred's “œuvres historiques” in the bibliography of Collectanea Cisterciensia 73, no. 1 (2011): 8–12; in the “opera historica” in Pierre-André Burton, Bibliotheca Aelrediana Secunda, 162; and in Anselm Hoste, Bibliotheca Aelrediana, 127–128. Marsha Dutton identified it as one of Aelred's seven historical works in “A Historian's Historian,” 426–430, while Burton classifies it as one of three “œuvres historiques, concernant cette fois davantage l'histoire ancienne ou recent de l’Église,” in Ælred de Rievaulx, 479.

⁴⁸ See Geary, Patrick, Furta Sacra: Thefts of Relics in the Central Middle Ages (Princeton, N.J.: Princeton University Press, 1978), 11–16CrossRefGoogle Scholar; and Heinzelmann, Martin, Translationsberichte und andere Quellen des Reliquienkultes, Typologie des Sources du Moyen Âge Occidental 33 (Turnhout: Brepols, 1979)Google Scholar.

⁴⁹ Geary, Furta Sacra, 11–12.

⁵⁰ Craster, H. H. E., “The Red Book of Durham,” English Historical Review 40, no. 160 (October 1925): 504–532CrossRefGoogle Scholar; London, British Library, MS Yates Thompson 26, fols. 149r–150v, printed as “Appendix IV,” in Priory of Hexham, ed. Raine, vii–viii.

⁵¹ This is the Vita S. Eatae, printed by Raine, James in Miscellanea Biographica, Surtees Society 8 (London: J. B. Nichols, 1838), 121–125Google Scholar. Raine printed the text from York, Minster Library, MS XVI.I.12, fols. 10r–12v. See N. R. Ker, Medieval Manuscripts in British Libraries, 4:720–722. Raine apparently did not know that the same text is preserved in Oxford Bodleian Library, MS Fairfax 6, fols. 162r–163r [Durham, s. xiv]. See Madan, Falconer, Craster, H. H. E., and Denholm-Young, N., A Summary Catalogue of the Western Manuscripts in the Bodleian Library at Oxford, vol. 2, part 2 (Oxford: Clarendon, 1937), 773–775Google Scholar. It is possible that Aelred had access to other vitae, perhaps of Acca and Alchmund, of which no trace now survives.

⁵² Ker identified six Hexham manuscripts; Lawrence disputed Ker's identification of one manuscript, thus committing to a Hexham provenance for only five. See Ker, Medieval Libraries of Great Britain, 101; and Anne Lawrence, “The Artistic Influence of Durham Manuscripts,” in Anglo-Norman Durham, 1093–1193, ed. David Rollason, Margaret Harvey, and Michael Prestwich (Woodbridge: Boydell and Brewer, 1994), 457–458.

⁵³ Aelred describes the common of confessors being used at the translation liturgy itself (Miracula, 194), but it is not unreasonable to suppose that specific collects and hymns would have been composed and used after 1154/1155.

⁵⁴ Aelred, Miracula, 185.

⁵⁵ Northern Saints, 67; and Aelred, Miracula, 176: “Accidit ut post mortem quoque ejus plebs universa ita ad eum in hac ecclesia, quasi ad viventem, confugerent, in omnibus necessitatibus suis quasi præsentem consulerent, in tribulationibus et angustiis ejus auxilium non tam peterent quam exigerent.”

⁵⁶ This deeply personal and proprietary relationship is described for a different context in Brown, Peter, The Cult of the Saints: Its Rise and Function in Late Antiquity (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1981), 50–68Google Scholar; and Robert Bartlett, Why Can the Dead Do Such Great Things?, 95–112.

⁵⁷ Aelred, Miracula, 177: “Ille, levatis paullulum occulis, et ecclesiam intuens: ‘Adjuva,’ inquit, ‘nunc, Wilfride, quia si modo nolueris, paullo post non poteris.’”

⁵⁸ Northern Saints, 67–68; and Aelred, Miracula, 176: “Quorum devotioni ac fidei favens præsul sanctissimus, semper invocantibus præsto fuit, petentibus largiens, mœstos consolans, subveniens laborantibus, opem ferens miseris: adeo ut subtracta præsentia corporali, uberius illis gratia profluerat spiritalis.”

⁵⁹ Northern Saints, 69; and Aelred, Miracula, 177: “Qui licet beatissimum Wilfridum in ipso mortis articulo solum nominaverit, nemo tamen cæteros, qui in præsenti ecclesia requiescunt, Sanctos miraculi hujus cooperatores existimet non fuisse, cum ipse in corde omnes invocaverit, speraverit in omnibus, ad omnes oculos pia fide erexerit.”

⁶⁰ Northern Saints, 71; and Aelred, Miracula, 179: “Alii Wilfridum, alii Cuthbertum, Accam alii, nonnulli Alchmundum cum gemitu et vociferatione congeminant.”

⁶¹ Bede, Historia ecclesiastica gentis Anglorum 4.28, in Bede's Ecclesiastical History of the English People, ed. Bertram Colgrave and R. A. B. Mynors (Oxford: Clarendon, 1969), 438.

⁶² Aelred, Miracula, 194: “Paratur theca congruæ magnitudinis, argentoque et auro vestitur. Inseruntur locis convenientibus gemmæ, et pro artificis industria opus summo decore variatur. Compinguntur etiam duæ minores non parvi decoris, quamvis non ejusdem pretii.”

⁶³ Aelred, Miracula, 194: “Ante sanctum altare nudis pedibus prosternuntur.”

⁶⁴ Aelred, Miracula, 194: “Finita vero post cantum oratio sollempni, procedunt fratres albis induti et discalciati, reverendasque reliquias cum loculo in quo hactenus servabantur ante gradum altaris exponentes, extractis inde sacrosanctis pignoribus, substratis honeste palliis in pavimento cum summa reverentia collocarunt.” Presumably they processed around the church, not to the altar (as Freeman suggests in her translation in Northern Saints) because they were already at the altar. For processions with relics, see Hahn, Cynthia, Strange Beauty: Issues in the Making and Meaning of Reliquaries, 400–circa 1204 (University Park: Pennsylvania University Press, 2012), 147–149Google Scholar; and Bartlett, Why Can the Dead Do Such Great Things?, 296–303.

⁶⁵ Aelred, Miracula, 194: “Erant autem quatuor Sanctorum ossa singillatim a se divisa, et venustissimis palliis involuta.”

⁶⁶ Northern Saints, 94; and Aelred, Miracula, 194: “Quae cum cœpissent evolvere, occurrit miri odoris fragantia, quae omnium perstringeret nares, omnium corda mulceret. . . . intellexerunt Sanctos Dei ex odoribus paradisi, quibus fruuntur in æternum, suis sanctis reliquiis hanc gratiam indidisse.”

⁶⁷ Northern Saints, 94; and Aelred, Miracula, 194: “Et ne esset posteris de nomine sancti confessoris cunctatio, is qui condiderat scripti attestatione scrupulum omne purgaverat.” For the use of labels to identify saints’ relics, see Bartlett, Why Can the Dead do Such Great Things?, 331–332.

⁶⁸ My translation. Aelred, Miracula, 200: “Forte autem quia vulgus omne sciebat quattuor ibi fuisse episcopos quorum eos nomina minime latuerunt.”

⁶⁹ See below, p. 27.

⁷⁰ This is an interesting omission on Aelred's part. The relics were translated or elevated at least three times in the century before March 3, 1154/1155. If the schedulae had been attached by Aelred's family members, we might have expected him to mention it. If they had been affixed at the elevation of the relics in 1113 by the canon Edric, presumably the canons in Aelred's audience would have informed him of that fact.

⁷¹ Aelred, Miracula, 195: “Et ne temporum futurorum deficiente scedula, Sancti nomen et meritum subduceretur memoriae; in membrana simul et plumbi lamina eadem scribentes et sculpentes, reliquiis apposuerunt.”

⁷² Northern Saints, 102; and Aelred, Miracula, 200: “Renovata igitur ut in prioribus ipsa attestatione.”

⁷³ Northern Saints, 102; and Aelred, Miracula, 200: “Hos quattuor cum summa devotione palliis pretiosissimis involutos, sicut simul inventi sunt, simul in majori loculo collocarunt.”

⁷⁴ Northern Saints, 103; and Aelred, Miracula, 200: “Coelestem odorem.”

⁷⁵ Aelred, Miracula, 200: “Invenerunt in eadem theca vas plumbeum minutias quasdam ex beati Fredeberti continens, et ejusdem odoris fragrantiam redolens.”

⁷⁶ Aelred, Miracula, 200: “At interna similiter ornata, cum Sancti Babillae episcopi et martyris sacris reliquiis quandam partem pulveris de corpore Sancti Accae episcopi posuerunt.” A has a different reading and lists additional saints whose relics were present: “At in tercia similiter ornate, cum sancti Babille episcopi et martyris sacris reliquiis et sanctorum martyrum Marci et Marcelliani de legione theborum, felicissimi martiris, Yrenei martiris et cuiusdam socii eius, sancti Germani autisiodorensis episcopi, sancte Fidis uirginis et martyris, sancte Felicitatis martyris, partem pulueris de corpore Acce episcopi posuerunt”: London, British Library, MS Additional 38816, fol. 15r–15v.

⁷⁷ Aelred, Miracula, 200: “Quibus rite peractis, et Missarum sollempniis cum debito gaudio celebratis, populus dimittitur, plebs fratrum solitae paci redditur ac quieti.”

⁷⁸ Wilfrid apparently dedicated the church at Hexham to Andrew because of his visit to a Roman oratory dedicated to Andrew: Stephen of Ripon, Vita Wilfridi episcopi, in The Life of Bishop Wilfrid by Eddius Stephanus, ed. Bertram Colgrave (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press), 12, 44–46. Bede says that Acca, Wilfrid's successor as bishop of Hexham, obtained relics but does not mention Andrew's relics specifically, although he does mention the dedication: Bede, Historia ecclesiastica 5.20, in Bede's Ecclesiastical History of the English People, ed. Colgrave and Mynors, 530. Richard of Hexham perpetuates the tradition of Wilfrid's devotion to Andrew in Brevis annotatio, 10–11.

⁷⁹ Northern Saints, 92; and Aelred, Miracula, 193: “Ipsa insuper ecclesia pretiosis decorata ornamentis, et Sancti Andreae aliorumque Sanctorum ditata reliquiis, tam advenientium quam inhabitantium devotionem adauxit.”

⁸⁰ For the role of relics in church dedications generally, see Bartlett, Why Can the Saints Do Such Great Things?, 444–454. Richard of Hexham gives Andrew more prominence than Aelred does, referring to the “terram Sancti Andreæ de Hetsaldasham-scyre,”: De gestis regis Stephani et de bello standardii, in Priory of Hexham, ed. Raine, 106.

⁸¹ Northern Saints, 79; and Aelred, Miracula, 184.

⁸² My translation. Aelred, Miracula, 185.

⁸³ Northern Saints, 92; and Aelred, Miracula, 193: “Sentiebant eos non solum in reliquiis suis, sed etiam in miraculis esse præsentes.”

⁸⁴ Northern Saints, 77; and Aelred, Miracula, 183: “Quibus loci hujus sanctitas commendatur, quibus inhabitantium augeatur fides, et devotio excitetur.”

⁸⁵ Richard of Hexham expresses a similar idea about zones of holiness radiating out from the church in his discussion of the legal rights of sanctuary found at Hexham: Brevis annotatio, 19–21, 61–62.

⁸⁶ Aelred, Miracula, 175, 186.

⁸⁷ For instance, the miracle collections for the cults of Cuthbert at Durham and Æbbe at Coldingham have numerous accounts of healings. See Reginald of Durham, Libellus de admirandis beati Cuthberti virtutibus quæ novellis patratæ sunt temporibus, in Reginaldi monachi Dunelmensis Libellus de admirandis beati Cuthberti virtutibus quæ novellis patratæ sunt temporibus, ed. James Raine, Surtees Society 1 (London: J. B. Nichols, 1835); and Vita et miracula S. Ebbe virginis, in The Miracles of Saint Æbbe of Coldingham and Saint Margaret of Scotland, ed. Robert Bartlett (Oxford: Clarendon, 2003), 3–67.

⁸⁸ Northern Saints, 66; and Aelred, Miracula, 174–175: “Hinc est quod sancti patres nostri, quorum reliquiarum præsentia gloriamur, antiqua miracula novis cumulare non cessant, ut ibi servientium semper augeatur devotio, spes certificetur, caritas nutriatur, et de perceptione præsentium munerum firma sit exspectatio futurorum.”

⁸⁹ Northern Saints, 66; and Aelred, Miracula, 175: “Ut ex corporalibus beneficiis spiritalia, ex temporalibus æterna ex terrenis speremus cœlestia.”

⁹⁰ My translation. Aelred, Miracula, 175: “Scientes quod ea pietas, quæ hominem adjudicatum morti de sub manu ferientis eripuit, etiam nos jam jamque vitiis absorbendos lacrymis ac precibus provocata eripiet.”

⁹¹ Richard of Hexham also declared that the church was still protected by the merits of the saints there, although he gave a different list of the protecting saints than Aelred. Richard of Hexham, De gestis regis Stephani, 80: “Tamen ob declaranda merita Sanctorum Andreae Apostoli, et Wilfridi episcopi et confessoris, advocatorum ejus, et caeterorum patronorum, scilicet Sanctorum Accae, et Alcmundi, et Eatae, episcoporum et confessorum, et aliorum Sanctorum in eadem ecclesia quiescentium, Deo auxiliante, suis et omnibus ad illam refugientibus pacem firmissimam exhibuit, et omnibus illis contra omnes hostiles impetus tutissimum asylum extitit.”

⁹² Historia regum, 35–36; and Aelred, Miracula, 187–188.

⁹³ My translation. Historia regum, 36: “Per merita et intercessiones sancti Accæ visum recepit.”

⁹⁴ Northern Saints, 84; and Aelred, Miracula, 188: “Exultat uterque: illa quia commodi corporalis, ille quia fructus spiritalis experiebatur effectum.”

⁹⁵ My translation. Historia regum, 38: “Sicque ab ejus crudelitate omnes qui ad præfatam Hagustaldensem ecclesiam confugerant, meritis sanctorum in illa requiescentium erepti sunt.”

⁹⁶ Northern Saints, 73–74; and Aelred, Miracula, 180: “Sed nos, fratres charissimi, quibus magis incumbit animas curare quam corpora, et aërias magis quam terrenas potestates cavere, quotiens ille, qui est rex super omnes filios superbiæ impiæ virtutis satellites in periculum nostræ salutis armaverit, et terribilis vitiorum exercitus in nos globatim irruerit, accedamus cum fiducia ad horum Sanctorum patrocin(i)um, cum imis suspiriis supplicantes, ut, instar Helisei prophetæ, omnes hostes nostros percutiant cæcitate, et, reseratis oculis cordis, ostendant nobis, quod plures nobiscum sunt quam cum illis.”

⁹⁷ Northern Saints, 82; and Aelred, Miracula, 186: “Qui a regionis hujus incolis singulis annis cum magno celebratur honore.”

⁹⁸ Northern Saints, 100; and Aelred, Miracula, 198: “Dies iste omnibus annis celebris habebatur a populo.”

⁹⁹ Northern Saints, 103; and Aelred, Miracula, 200: “Quibus rite peractis, et Missarum sollempniis cum debito gaudio celebratis, populous dimittitur, plebs fratrum solitæ paci redditur ac quieti.”

¹⁰⁰ Northern Saints, 69; and Aelred, Miracula, 177: “Hoc sane miraculum ad tantorum pervenit notitiam, ut verbum adolescentis in tanta necessitudine probatum, versum sit in commune totius plebis proverbium.”

¹⁰¹ Northern Saints, 81; and Aelred, Miracula, 186: “Qui mediocrem sub nobili quodam ac prædivite agebat vitam.”

¹⁰² Northern Saints, 81; and Aelred, Miracula, 186: “Ad Accam meum.”

¹⁰³ Northern Saints, 82–83; and Aelred, Miracula, 187: “Qui volens se gratum Sancto præbere, virum ipsum emancipatum cum omni peccunia sua Sancto tradidit, ipsiusque ecclesiæ obsequiis quoad viveret deputavit.”

¹⁰⁴ Northern Saints, 83; and Aelred, Miracula, 187: “Utinam, fratres karissimi, eadem fide, pari devotione, nec impari spe, in animæ periculis ejus imploremus auxilium, considerantes in quibus lacrymis, qua precum instantia homo carnalis carnalem obtinuit sospitem.”

¹⁰⁵ Richard of Hexham is emphatic about this idea as well. Despite losing everything else, Hexham never lost its saints. Richard of Hexham, Brevis annotatio, 48–49: “Although the surrounding region was often despoiled and depopulated and had remained deserted for a long time, never, I say, never was it deprived of the holy relics of its patrons, the bishops of that church, that is of Saints Eata and Acca and Alchmund and the rest of the venerable protectors, Frethbert and Tilbert.” (Nam cum, multis antea annorum curriculis, cum circumjacente regione sæpius deprædata, et depopulata, et diu deserta mansisset, nunquam tamen patronorum suorum, ejusdem ecclesiæ episcoporum, scilicet Sanctorum Eatæ et Accæ et Alchmundi et cæterorum venerabilium præsulum, Fredberti et Tilberti, Divina pietate protegente, nunquam, inquam, eorum sacris reliquiis destituta est.)

¹⁰⁶ Symeon of Durham, Libellus de exordio 3.7. Symeon says Aelfred Westou lived until the time of Bishop Æthelwine (1056–1071). See the family tree printed in Raine, Priory of Hexham, li–lii and reprinted in McGuire, Brother and Lover, 12.

¹⁰⁷ Walterspacher, Foundation of Hexham Priory, 5.

¹⁰⁸ Symeon says that all the clerks, save one, decided to leave rather than embrace the new way of life: Libellus de exordio 4.3; and Rollason, ed., Libellus de exordio, 230–231n20. However, William Aird has called into question Symeon's assertion of near-total discontinuity between the clerks and the monks. See Aird, , Cuthbert and the Normans (Woodbridge: Boydell and Brewer, 1998), 126–131, 137–138Google Scholar; and Rollason, , “The Political Context of the Libellus de exordio” in Symeon of Durham: Historian of Durham and the North, ed. Rollason (Stamford: Shaun Tyas, 1998), 32–45Google Scholar.

¹⁰⁹ Aelred says that Eilaf I turned to York because he had received no compensation from William of Saint Calais: Aelred, Miracula, 191. See Symeon of Durham, Libellus de exordio 4.3; and Rollason, introduction to Libellus de exordio, lxxxix. See also Piper, A. J., “The First Generations of Durham Monks and the Cult of St Cuthbert,” in St Cuthbert, His Cult, and His Community to AD 1200, ed. Bonner, Gerald, Rollason, David, and Stancliffe, Clare (Woodbridge: Boydell and Brewer, 1989) 437–446Google Scholar; Meryl Foster, “Custodians of St Cuthbert: The Durham Monks’ Views of their Predecessors, 1083–c.1200,” in Anglo-Norman Durham, ed. Rollason, Harvey, and Prestwich, 53–65; and W. M. Aird, “An Absent Friend: The Career of Bishop William of St Calais,” in Anglo-Norman Durham, ed. Rollason, Harvey, and Prestwich, 283–297. Richard notes that Hexham was given to a canon of Beverley, Richard de Maton, and that Eilaf was subordinate to him, but neither Symeon nor Aelred mentions this detail: Richard of Hexham, Brevis annotatio, 50.

¹¹⁰ This may have been a consequence of William the Conqueror's harrying of the region. Orderic Vitalis mentions that William went through Hexham in January of 1070. See Vitalis, Orderic, Historia Ecclesiastica, bk. 4, vol. 2, in The Ecclesiastical History of Orderic Vitalis, ed. Chibnall, Marjorie (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1969), 234–235Google Scholar; and Walterspacher, Foundation of Hexham Priory, 6.

¹¹¹ Northern Saints, 89; and Aelred, Miracula, 191: “Veniens ad locum homo invenit omnia desolata, muros ecclesiæ sine tegmine, sordere feno, silvis supercrescentibus horrere; litura, imbribus, et tempestate dejecta, nihil pristini retinuisse decoris. Erat autem talis terræ illius desolatio, ut fere bienno ex solo venatu et aucupio se suamque familiam sustineret.”

¹¹² Northern Saints, 89–90; and Aelred, Miracula, 191: “Hic itaque ecclesiæ Haugustaldensi renovandæ totum animum curamque impendens, succisa quæ supercreverat silva, purgatis ab omni sorde parietibus, totam ecclesiam tegulis texit, et, litis intus et extra parietibus, antiqua eam pictura et venustate decoravit.”

¹¹³ Aelred, Miracula, 191–192.

¹¹⁴ Walterspacher, Foundation of Hexham Priory, 7. Aelred says that the initiative for reform came not from the archbishop, but from his own father, who sought out Thomas II of York and “humbly asked that he commit the church to the canons regular and that he hand over to them himself and his property.” Northern Saints, 91; and Aelred, Miracula, 192: “Zelo domus Dei succensus, ad virum venerabilem juniorem Thomam Eboracensem archiepiscopum adiit, et ut canonicis regularibus ecclesiam committeret, illisque se et sua contraderet, suppliciter postulavit.” It may be that Aelred was smoothing a bumpy recent past in Hexham by assigning the handover to his father's initiative rather than the archbishop's, but the story also reveals that Aelred was not the first member of his family to seek out a new religious order.

¹¹⁵ For all the friendly relationships between Thomas II and Eilaf II that Aelred describes in Miracula, it is worth remembering that Thomas II is the archbishop about whom Aelred had a prophecy as a small boy, according to Walter Daniel. The child Aelred prophesied that Thomas had died, and his father quipped, “Truly, he is dead who has lived an evil life,” suggesting some animosity between the two: Walter Daniel, Vita Ailredi, in The Life of Ailred of Rievaulx, trans. Powicke, 72.

¹¹⁶ For a biography of Thurstan, see Nicholl, Donald, Thurstan, Archbishop of York 1114–1140 (York: Stonegate, 1964)Google Scholar; see also Burton, Janet, “The Regular Canons and Diocesan Reform in Northern England,” in The Regular Canons in the Medieval British Isles, ed. Burton, Janet and Stöber, Karen (Turnhout: Brepols, 2011), 46–48CrossRefGoogle Scholar; and Anne Mathers-Lawrence, “The Augustinian Canons in Northumbria: Region, Tradition, and Textuality in a Colonizing Order,” in The Regular Canons in the Medieval British Isles, ed. Burton and Stöber, 59–78.

¹¹⁷ The same year, Eilaf II also gave the vill of Cocken in Houghton-le-Spring (near Finchale) to the monks of Durham: Offler, H. S., Durham Episcopal Charters 1071–1152, Surtees Society 179 (London: Surtees Society, 1968), 119–122Google Scholar.

¹¹⁸ Northern Saints, 102; and Aelred, Miracula, 200: “Nam ante hanc translationem multis annis cum adhuc puerulus essem, Accam, Alchmundum, Fredenbertum, Tilbertum, ibi simul requiescere nichil [h]aesitans populus totus clamabat.”

¹¹⁹ Northern Saints, 95; and Aelred, Miracula, 195: “Stabant autem fratres circa thesaurum illud cœleste, intenteque scrutantes omnia, omnia quibus corpus humanum compingitur indumenta repererunt. Et quia hi qui quondam Sanctos condiderant, aliquas minutias ex ossibus beati Accæ pro devotione sustulerunt, nichil tale circa beati Alchmundi reliquias factum mirabantur. Cur enim hoc acciderit, aliis [sic] exciderat, alii nec audierant.”

¹²⁰ Northern Saints, 66; and Aelred, Miracula, 174: “Quorum plerumque etiam ossa mortua crebris miraculis pullulant de loco suo; et eorum memoriam quam vetustas absconderat, vel aboleverat negligentia, manifestis non desinunt perpetuare indiciis.”

¹²¹ See also Powicke's remarks in Life of Ailred of Rievaulx, xxxvii.

¹²² Bede, Vita Cuthberti, in Two Lives of Saint Cuthbert, ed. and trans. Bertram Colgrave (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1940), 188–189; and Walter Daniel, Vita Ailredi, in The Life of Ailred of Rievaulx, trans. Powicke, 60. For Aelred's practice of immersion, see Smith, Constance I., “Aelred's Immersion,” Harvard Theological Review 62, no. 4 (October 1969): 429CrossRefGoogle Scholar; and Cooper, Roger G., “New Light on Aelred's Immersion,” Harvard Theological Review 69, nos. 3/4 (July–October 1976): 416–419CrossRefGoogle Scholar. Pierre-André Burton has argued that Aelred's asceticism is modeled along biblical lines, as well it might be, but the Anglo-Saxon, particularly Bedan, similarities are striking, although unnoticed by him: Burton, , “‘Aelred, tel un second Noé’: L'abbé de Rievaulx, un bâtisseur à la recherche de la coudée unique. Un commentaire du chapitre 40 de la Vita Aelred,” Cîteaux: Commentarii cistercienses 52, nos. 3–4 (2001): 231–318Google Scholar.

¹²³ Reginald of Durham, Libellus de admirandis, 32: “Haec omnia, quae descripsimus, sicut a venerabili patre nostro Ætheldredro [sic] Abbate Rievallensium audivimus, ita, ipsius testimonio, membranulis inseruimus.” See also 4, 176, 188.

¹²⁴ Ibid., 1.

¹²⁵ Ibid., 178. See also Victoria Tudor, “The Cult of St Cuthbert in the Twelfth Century: The Evidence of Reginald of Durham” in St Cuthbert, His Cult, and His Community, ed. Bonner, Rollason, and Stancliffe, 448.

¹²⁶ Walter Daniel reports that Aelred said he had kept these possessions in his oratory and “had delighted [delectabar] in them”: Walter Daniel, Vita Ailredi, in The Life of Ailred of Rievaulx, trans. Powicke, 58. The Gospel of John was of particular concern to Bede, Cuthbert, and others in the seventh and eighth centuries. Bede was translating John from Latin into English on his deathbed. See Epistola de obitu Bedae, in Bede's Ecclesiastical History of the English People, ed. and trans. R. A. B. Mynors and Bertram Colgrave (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1969), 582–583. An early eighth-century copy of the Gospel of John (London, British Library, MS Additional 89000) was found in Cuthbert's coffin when his body was elevated at Durham in 1104, which Aelred certainly knew, and the book remained important in Cuthbert's cult throughout the twelfth century. See Breay, Claire and Meehan, Bernard, eds. The Saint Cuthbert Gospel: Studies on the Insular Manuscript of the Gospel of John (London: British Library, 2015)Google Scholar.

¹²⁷ Walter Daniel, Vita Ailredi, in The Life of Ailred of Rievaulx, trans. Powicke, 58. See also Pierre-André Burton, “The Beginnings of Cistercian Expansion in England,” 167n39.

¹²⁸ Walter Daniel, Vita Ailredi, in The Life of Ailred of Rievaulx, trans. Powicke, 60.

¹²⁹ I differ in my interpretation from Pierre-André Burton who has argued that Aelred's entry into Cisterican life marked a complete break with the religious traditions of his family: Burton, “Beginnings of Cistercian Expansion in England,” 154, 157, 181.

¹³⁰ Conrad of Eberbach, Exordium magnum, in The Great Beginning of Cîteaux: A Narrative of the Beginning of the Cistercian Order: The “Exordium Magnum” of Conrad of Eberbach, ed. E. Rozanne Elder, trans. Benedicta Ward and Paul Savage (Kalamazoo, Mich.: Cistercian, 2012), 156–158; Conrad of Eberbach, Exordium magnum, in Exordium magnum cisterciense sive narratio de initio cisterciensis ordinis, ed. Bruno Griesser, Corpus Christianorum Continuatio Mediaevalis 138 (Turnhout: Brepols, 1997), 97–98. See also Bredero, Adriaan, Bernard of Clairvaux: Between Cult and History (Grand Rapids, Mich.: William B. Eerdmans, 1996), 69–72Google Scholar.

¹³¹ See Waddell, Chrysogonus, Narrative and Legislative Texts from Early Cîteaux (Cîteaux: Commentarii cistercienses, 1999), 462–463Google Scholar.

¹³² Faulkner, William, Requiem for a Nun (New York: Vintage, 2011), 73Google Scholar.