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4. “…Unde autem Catharistae, id est purgatores, primo vocati sint…”. Schonaugensis, Eckbertus Abbatis, Sermones contra Catharos, Serm. V, 6Google Scholar, MPL, CXCV, col. 31AGoogle Scholar; Ch. H. Puech, “Catharisme médiéval,” op. cit., p. 63, n. 3. St. Augustin, , De haeres. XLVIGoogle Scholar, MPL, XLII, col. 36Google Scholar. Miss Chr. Thouzellier stated that Cathari were reported at Cologne, ca. 1143, by Everwin and that the transition from mitigated to radical dualism resulted at the time of the Second Crusade (1147–1149), “Hérésie et croisade au XIIe siècle,” RHE, XLIX (1954), 863Google Scholar. On the term “Cathar” see A. Borst, op. cit., pp. 240–253; Schmidt, Ch., Histoire et doctrine de la secte des Cathares (Paris, 1849), II, pp. 275–286Google Scholar; Runciman, S., Le manichéisme médiéval (Paris, 1949), pp. 168–170.Google Scholar

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6. Rebélliau, , Bossuet historien du protestantisime (Paris: Hachette, 1891), pp. 234, 237Google Scholar, wrote on the relationship of Catharism and Protestantism as seen by Bossuet, J. B., Histoire des variations des églises protestantes (2 vols., Paris, 1688)Google Scholar, passim. The problem is also examined in Basnage, J., Histoire de la religion des Eglises réformées (2 vols., Rotterdam, 1721)Google Scholar; Perrin, J. P., Histoire des Vaudois (Genève, 1619)Google Scholar; Luther's Fore-runners or a Cloud of Witnesses deposing for the Protestant Faith, Transl. from the French by Samson Lonnard (London: Printed for N. Newberry, 1624)Google Scholar; Crespin, J., Histoire des Martyrs persécutez et mis à mort pour la vérité de l'Evangile, depuis le temps des apostres jusques à présent (1619, 3 vols., Toulouse: Société des livres religieux, 1885–1889)Google Scholar, The embarrassing charge of being linked to the neo-Manichaean Cathari was countered by Protestant apologists by stating that (1) the ancient Maniehaeans were distinct from the Albigenses, (2) that the power in Catharism was of God and (3) that the accusation of dualism was a calumnious accusation of their foes. On this, cf. Allix, Peter, Remarks upon the Ecclesiastical History ¨¨of the Ancient Churches of the Albigenses (London: St. Paul's Church Yard, 1692), pp. xx, 256Google Scholar. See also de Beausobre, Isaac, Histoire critique de Manichée et du manichéisme (2 vols., Amsterdam, 1734–1739)Google Scholar, where any relationship between Protestants and Albigenses is denied. See also Rabaud, Camille, Hist. du protestantisme dans l'Albigeois et le Lauragais. Depuis les origines jusqu'à la Révocation de l'Edit de Nantes, Paris: Sandoz et Fischbacher, 1873)Google Scholar. A filiation from Albigensianism to Protestantism does not appear acceptable because Protestantism is of a western, nordic origin, while Catharism is eastern and manichaean.

7. A comparison between the works by Schmidt and Borat was made by Folz, Rob., “Le catharisme d'après un livre recent,” Revue de l'histoire et de philosophic religieuse: Publiée par la faculté de théologie protestante de l'Univ. de Strasbourg, XXXIII, No. 4 (1953), 322–328Google Scholar. For a review of Dr. A. Borst's work see Speculum, XXIX 1954), 537–538, by R.W. Emery.Google Scholar

8. de Bourbon, Etienne, Anecdotes historiques, publ. pour la société de l'histoire de France, par A. Lecay de la Marche (Paris, H. Loones, 1877), pp. 276–277Google Scholar: “Ideo autem legi libros seetarum diversarum, quia terre mee affines aunt heretici Albigenses, ut mihi ab eorum versuciis scirem cavere, et eos, si mecum de suis loquerentur erroribus, scirem de suis jaculis repercutere et eos confutare per suas posiciones et asserciones…”, Ibid., p. 277.

9. Moneta de Cremona, O. P., Adversus Catharos et Valdesises libri quinque quos ex manuscriptis codd. (Romae: N. et M. Palearini, 1743), pp. 2, 42.Google Scholar

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11. On Bogomil influence on the Lyons Rituel, cf. Thomov, T., Influences bogomiles dans le rituel cathare de Lyon (Aix: IIe Congrès international de langue et litt. du Midi: unpubl., 09. 1957)Google Scholar. Gui, Bernard, Manuel de l'Inquisiteur, edit, by Mollat, G.. “Les classiques do France au Moyen Age,” VIII-IX (Paris, 1926), 20–23Google Scholar; Döllinger, op. cit., I, 238; II, 18.

12. Manselli, R., Alle origine della manifestatio haeresis Catharorum quarn fecit Bonaccursus (1955), pp. 208–209Google Scholar; Riol, op. cit., p. 71, n. 114 bis. Borst, A., “Neue Funde u. Forschungen zur Geschichte der Katharer,” Hist. Zeitschr., CLXXIV (1952), 17–30Google Scholar. In 1945, F. Ilarino discovered a MS describing the unfamiliar heresies of da Piacenza, Ugo Speroni, Siudi e Testi, CXV (Rome, 1945).Google Scholar

13. A. Dondaine favors 1280, using the paleographic method (Liber, op. cit., p. 10). A. Borst, op. cit., p. 257, n. 18, prefers 1254 for which he gives an elaborate account. The date is still an open question.

14. Fos. 1–29 of the Liber de duobus principiis contain the document itself; fos. 21–29, “Compendium ad instruetionem rudium,” fols. 29–35, present the various elements of polemics be. tween the radical (absolute) dualists (Albanenses) and the mitigated dualists (Garatenses, Caneorezzo). For reviews on the Liber, see RHE, XXXVIII (1942) By Mario EspositoGoogle Scholar; Catholica schuola LXVII (1939) by IlarinoGoogle Scholar, who also reported in Aevum, XIV (1940)Google Scholar; Collectanea Franciscana, IV (1940)Google Scholar; Speculum, XVI (1942), 123–125Google Scholar; Atti della R: accademia dde science di Torino, stor. e filolog., LXXV (1940) 409–435.Google Scholar

15. de Laeger, L., “L'Albigeois pendant la criso de l'Albigdisme.” RHE, XXIX (1933), 272–315; 586–633; 849–904Google Scholar. The doubts about the “Notitia” being a forgery are expressed on p. 301 and, more in detail, in the appendix, pp. 314–315. Dossat, Yves, “Remarques sur un prétendu évêque cathare du Val d'Aran en 1167,” Bulletin philolog. et hist. des comité des travaux hist. et scient. (Paris, 1957), pp. 339–347Google Scholar, cited by Thouzellier, Chr., Un traité cathare inédit (Louvain, 1961), p. 20Google Scholar; J. L. Riol, op. cit., pp. 72–73. For further discussion on the Council and the Catharist bishops, and the presence of Catharism in the Val d'Aran, see Ventura, J. “El catarismo en Catalufla,” Bulletin de l'académic royale des belles-lettres de Barcelone, XXVIII (1959–1960), 112, 138Google Scholar; Higounet, Ch.Le comté de Comminges, (Toulouse, 1949) I, 89, n. 74 and 90, n. 75Google Scholar; Riol, op. cit., p. 80.

16. See also an essay by Dondaine, A., “Saint Pierre Martyr,” AFP, XXIII (1953) 66–161Google Scholar; “Le Manuel de l'Inquisiteur,” AFP, XVII (1947) 85–194Google Scholar; also a brief analysis in Revue du Moyen-Age Latin, IV (Paris and Strasbourg, 1948), 126–127Google Scholar. Peter Martyr, who knew Catharist teachings, believed that they had their origin in older sects.

17. On the Opera Omnia Prepositini Parisiensis (1206–1210) see “La vie et les oeuvres de Prévostin, par Georges Lacombe (Stanford), prêtre de l'archidiocèse de San Francisco” Bibliothique Thomniste, X (Kain, Belgique, 1927), 1–221Google Scholar. The edition of GarvinCorbett was reviewed in Speculum XXXIV (1959), 268.Google Scholar

18. On the methods to combat heresy used by Alain de Lille: Alani de Insulis. Summna quadripartita. De fide Cathotica contra haereticos sui temporis, praesertim Albigenses, MPL, CCX, col. 305–430Google Scholar; especially col. 326–331. Gonnet, G., Enchiridion fontium valdensium (Torre Pellice, 1958), p. 102.Google Scholar

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20. Halberstatensis, Haynionis episeopi, “Expositionis in Apocalypsin B. Joannis.” MPL, CXVII, cols. 937–1220Google Scholar. MPL, CXVII, col. 937Google Scholar. The Confessio fidei Valdesii was discussed in “Aux origines du Vaidéisme,” AFP, XVI (1946) 191–235; 192.Google Scholar

21. Esposito, Mario, “Sur quelques manuscrits de l'ancienne littérature reigieuse des Vaudois du Piémont,” RHE, XLVI (1951), 131–143Google Scholar. Moneta, op. cit., p. 78.

22. For a description of this rite, Cf. MS Lyon A. I. 54, cod. 36, fol. 240, rb; Dondaine, , Liber de duob. princ.(“Traditio Oratjonis Sancte”) (1939), pp. 515ffGoogle Scholar. Borst, op. cit., pp.190–192. On the Albigensian rites, cf. “Das Sakrament der Katharer” in B. Reitzenstein, op. cit., pp. 67–103.

23. The trinitarian doctrine played a great role in the discussions between Waldenses and Albigenses. On this cf. Thouzellier, Chr., “La profession trinitaire de Durand de Huesca”, Recherches de théologie ancienne mêdsevale (1960)Google Scholar, quoted in “Controverses vaudoises”, Arch. d'hist. doctr. et litt. du Moyen-Age, XXXV (Paris, (1961), 141Google Scholar. On the Traité inédit, cf. a review in Speculum, XXXVI (1961), 689–690, by Walter L. Wakefield.Google Scholar

24. “Le génie d'oe et l'homme méditerranéen”, Les cahiers du Sud (Marseille, 1943)Google Scholar. On the spiritual retreats see an account by Roché, in Cahiers d'études cathares XII, Nos, 9 & 10 (Summer, 1961), 32–48Google Scholar. On D. Roché, cf. an illustrated art, by Beauvais, M. in Semaine du monde (1–8 August, 1953)Google Scholar and in Tout Savoir (Febr. 1954).

25. Roché sees a filiation between the Cathari, the Masons, Free, and Rosicrucians, , “Catharisme et franc-maconnerie”, Cahiers d'études cathares, XIII, No. 12 (Winter, 1962)Google Scholar. S. Hutin, “Gnose et rites rosicruciens”, Ibid., pp. 21–30, (with a short bibliography). Useful is Mariel, Pierre, Rituel des sociétés secrètes (Paris, 1961).Google Scholar

26. On Söderberg's essay see A. Borst, op. cit., pp. 51–52.

27. Catharist teachings are discussed by Grundmann, H., Ketzergeschichte des Mittelalters (Göttingon, 1963), pp. 22–28Google Scholar. On dualism in general and its relationship to later developments cf. Bianchi, U., Il dualismo, saggio ed etnologico (Roma, 1958)Google Scholar, ch. I: Gnosticism in its relationship to Paganism, Judaism, and Christianity constitutes a problem mirrored in Catharism. Discoveries of Coptic manuscripts point to Iranian sources studied by Doresse, J., Les livres secrets des gnostiques d'Egypte (2 vols.; Paris: Plon, 1958), I, pp. 316, 323–324Google Scholar; Engl. transl., The Secret Books of the Egyptian Gnostics (New York: Viking Press, 1960)Google Scholar. For basic studies on gnosticism see Grant, Robert M., Gnosticism and Early Christianity (New York: Columbia University Press, 1959)Google Scholar. Blanc, A. C., “Considerazioni sulla preistoria del dualismo reigioso”, Rivista storica italiana, LXXII (1960), 127–146Google Scholar. Helpful is Aegerter, E., Le mysticisme (Paris, 1952)Google Scholar. More subjectively philosophical is Weil, Simonle, La connaissance surnaturelle (Paris, 1950).Google Scholar

28. Döllinger, op. cit., I, 221ff.; A. Borst, op., cit., p. 197, fn. Ch. Schmidt, I, 357, tended to regard every suicide as endura.

29. One version of the Interrogatio was published by Döllinger, II, 85–92Google Scholar. Nelli's document is based on the manuscripts of the archives of the Inquisition at Carcassonne and the National Library at Vienna, Austria. Among the numerous studies dealing with the history of eschatology, a few are here indicated: Wadstein, E., Die eschatologisehe Ideengruppe (Leipzig, 1896), pp. 123ffGoogle Scholar. Petry, Ray C., Christian Eschatology and Social Thought (to A. D. 1500) (New York: Abingdon Press, 1956)Google Scholar. Reitzenstein, R., Die Vorgeschichte der christlichen Taufe (Leipzig and Berlin: B. G. Teubner, 1939), pp. 293–316Google Scholar, presents the Interrogatio “als ein häretisches Apokryphon.” For a combination of Christian and cosmogonic Eros and other apocalyptic dream images see Fränger, W., The Millennium of Hieronymous Bosch, Transl. by Wilkins, E. and Kaiser, E. (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1951)Google Scholar; cf. a review by Burkhard, A., Speculum, XXX (1956), 168–170CrossRefGoogle Scholar. An imaginative synthesis is by Cohn, Norman, The Pursuit of the Millennium (New York: Harper Torchbooks, 1961)Google Scholar; it contains a substantial bibliography, pp. 436–468.

30. R. Nelli wrote that the Visio probably originated between 100–150 A. D.; it may not have been used by the Manichaeans (Söderberg, op. cit., p. 106) but was known in various gnostic schools and by medieval neo-Manichaeans: Roche, D. “La Vision d'Isaie,” Cahiers d'études cathares, No. 33 (1958), 19–51Google Scholar. According to Döllinger, op. cit., II, 276, there was a “book of Isaiah” where mention is made of a rapture into the 7th heaven. The Visio, was docetist in character, as was the Interrogatio.

31. Vidal restated that, in Catharist belief, the body returns to dust, the soul enters the terrestrial paradise, but only if it has received the consolamentum; if not, it is reincorporated: Vidal, J. M., “Doctrine et morale des derniers ministres albigeois,” Revue des questions historiques, XLIII (1909), 357–407.Google Scholar

32. R. Sacchoni, “Summa de Catharis,” Liber, op. cit., p. 72; H. Söderberg, op. cit., p. 263; Moneta, op. cit., p. 381. On the use of the Apocalypse see d'Auxerre, Geoffroy, “Super Apocalypsin,” ed. by Leclercq, Dom J., Studia Anselmiana (Roma, 1953), p. 206Google Scholar. Faure, J. P., “Réflexions sur l'albigéisme,” Europe (November 1950)Google Scholar. A brief narrative of the Albigensian Crusade is by Edm. Holmes, , The Holy Heretics, The Thinker's Library, 124 (London: Watts & Co, 1948).Google Scholar

33. The council of Toulouse, 1229, forbade the reading of the Old and New Testaments. Only a psalter, breviary, or a book of hours in Latin were permitted: Mansi, , Conciliorum sacrorum (Reprint, Graz Austria: Akademische Druck-u. Verlagsanstalt, 1961) XXIII, capit. XIV, col. 197Google Scholar. Also Doat, XXIV, fol., 248v. On the ban of vernacular translations cf. Reichert, Maria, Acta capitulorum ordinis praedicatorum (2 vols.; Rome [Stuttgart], 1898), I, 24.Google Scholar

34. Ch. Schmidt, op. cit., II, 6. Alain do Lilie who observed the Waldenses of his time with unmitigated aversion was of the opinion that some heretics were both ignorant and dangerous: “Hi Waldenses dicuntur, a suo haeresiarche qui vocatus Waldus, qui suo spiritu ductus non a Deo missus,.. sine divine inspiratione, sine scientia, sine litteratura… sine ratione phiosophus, sine visione propheta… Superbi, blasphemi, inobientes sine affectione, sine pace, incontinentes… immites,… sine boaitata…praeditores…” “Summa Quadripart.,” II, 1. MPL, CCX, col. 3770, 380BC.Google Scholar

35. It has been alleged that the Catharist version of the New Testament was of Catalan origin, A. Pondaine, “Durand,“ op. cit., AFP, (1959), 256. See also Jülicher, A. and Matzkow, W., Das Neue Testament in altlateinischer Überlieferung (Berlin, 1938–1954)Google Scholar; Berger, S., Hist. de la Vulgate pendant les premiers siècles du Moyen-Age, (Nancy, 1893), passim.Google Scholar

36. A. Borst, op. cit., pp. 51–53, fnt. 3. Others have pointed to Guiraud's shortcomings: Holtzmann, R., Revue de littérature allemande (1939), pp. 371–374Google Scholar; also Cahiers d'etudes cathares, XIII, No. 14 (summer, 1962), 53Google Scholar. A. Dondaine is grateful for Guiraud's rich documentation but deplored the lack of accuracy in using references, “Les actes du concile albigeois do Saint-Félix de Caraman,“ Studi e testi, 125 (1946) 332, n. 12.Google Scholar

37. On specific areas of the Inquisition see: Niel, F., “Béziers pendant la croisade contre les Albigeois,” Cahiers d'études cathares, No. 15 (1953)Google Scholar. Cayla, P., “Fragment inédit d'un registre de l'inquisition” Mémoires de la société des arts et des sciences de Carcassonne, VI, 3e série (1941–1943)Google Scholar. Not to be overlooked is Douais, C., Documents pour servir à l'histoire de l'Inquisition dans le Languedoc (2 vols., Paris, 1900)Google Scholar; vol. II contains a transcription of MS 9.992, B.N., Paris and MS 160, Clermont-Ferrand.

38. The trial and condemnation of Bernard has been told by de Dimitrewski, M., “Frère Bernard Délicieux, O.F.M. Sa lutte contre l'Inquisition de Carcassonne et d'Albi. Son procès, 1297–1319,” Archivum Franciscanum Historicum XVII - XVIII (Quaracchi, [Florence]: Collegium S. Bonaventura, 1924–1925).Google Scholar

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40. E. Delaruelle, “Le Catharisme en Languedoc vers 1200,” op. cit., pp. 161, 165.

41. On Arianism, see Chr.Thouzellier, “Controverses Vaudoises” op. cit., Archives d'histoire doctrinale et littéraire du Moyen-Age, XXXV (Paris, 1961), 153 ftn. 37.

42. Innoeent III considered that effective preaching was the weapon par excellence against heresies, for “multi reperientur, habentes zeluni Dei secundum scientiam…potentes in opere et sermones…,” Innoeenti III, P.P. Regestorum Lib., VII, 1204Google Scholar, MPL, CCXV, col. 359BGoogle Scholar. See also, Dossat, Yves, “Innocent IV et les habitants de Limoux et l'Inquisition,” Annales du Midi, LXI (1948–1949), 84ffGoogle Scholar. Cf. Ullmann, Walter, The Growth of Papal Government in the Middle Ages: A Study in the Relation of Clerical to Lay Power, (London, [etc.] 1955Google Scholar; see a Review By Post, Gaines, Speculum, XXXII (1957), 209–212CrossRefGoogle Scholar. This work mainly examines the foundation of Papal abolutism in the thirteenth century from Leo I to Gregory VII. On the term “heretic,” as used by the pope see Oliver, P. Antonio, Tactica de propaganda y motivos literaios en las cartas antihereticas de Innocencio III (Roma, 1957).Google Scholar

43. Throop, Palmer A., “Criticism of Papal Crusade Policy in Old French and Provençal,” Speculum, XIII No. 4 (10, 1938), 379–412CrossRefGoogle Scholar; especially, pp. 383ff. On Shannon's book, cf. a review by Williams, John R., Speculum, XXVI (1951), 209–210.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

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46. Regional histories include Wolff, Ph., Histoire de Toulouse (1958)Google Scholar; Lafont, J., Albigeois du pays de Foix (Cannes, 1955)Google Scholar; Collin, Ch., Histoire de Lavaur (1944)Google Scholar. The amazing little town of Minerve (a ghost town of Catharism) was described by Girou, J., “Minerve autel et b” Cévennes et Méditerranée, No. 43 (1950)Google Scholar. Higounet, Ch., Le comté de Comminges, de ses origines à son annexion a la couronne: Bibliothèque méridionale, 2e série, XXXII (2 vols., Toulouse et Paris, 1949)Google Scholar. On this work cf. a review in Speculum, XXV, (1950), 570–571Google Scholar. An illustrated guide to our problem is by Carmen Ennesch, L'épopée albigeoise (Luxemburg: Ed. du Journal d'Esch, 1962).

47. Timbal, P., Un Conflit d'amnexion au Moyen-Age L'applivation do la coufume de Paris au pays d'Albigeois Toulouse: E. Privat, 1949)Google Scholar. On Averroism and Catharism, see Alphaitdéry, P., “Y a-t-il eu un avérroïsme populaire au XIIIe et au XIVe siécles!” Actes du premier congrés international d'histoire des religions, 2e partie, fasc. 2 (Paris, 1902), 127–138Google Scholar; Mundy, J.H., Liberty and Political Power (New York, 1954).Google Scholar

48. A review on this essay is in Speculum, XXXVII (1962), 645–647, by Charles T. Wood.Google Scholar

49. It has been suggested that Catharism is recognizable in Wolfrom von Esehenbach: Möckenhaupt, O.S.B., Die Frömigkeit im Parzival von Wolfram von Eschenbach. Ein Beitrag des religiösen Geistes in der Laienwelt des deutsohen Mittelalters (Bonn, 1942)Google Scholar. Otto Rahn, suspected (by Belperron) to be guided by N. Peyrat, was satisfied that the Grail, consisting of the eastern magic emerald, was guarded by the Cathari at Montségur.

50. On the popular reaction to Catharism in poetry and song, see P. Comte, “Le catharisme dans les contes populaires do Ia Gascogne” Bulletin de la société archéologique of historique. Poulain, S., Histoire of iconographie du catharisme du Gers (Castres, 1953, 1955), pp. 133–146Google Scholar. On Catharist iconography see Nelli, René, Le phénoméne cathare (1964), pp. 162–192.Google Scholar

51. Other more or less fictionalized accounts: Comte, P., “Le Graal et Montségur,” Bulletin de la société arch. et hist. du Gers (1951), pp. 332–345Google Scholar; Hannah, Close, High are the Mountains (London, 1945)Google Scholar; And Somber the Valleys (London, 1949)Google Scholar. A local poet, whose profile is engraved in the rock along the steep path that leads to the ruins of the Montségur castle, is Magre, Maurice, Le sang do Toulouse; Histoire albigeoise du XIIe siécle; Le trésor des Albigeois (Paris, 1938).Google Scholar

52. Hensehaw, Millet, “The Attitude of the Church toward the Stage to the End of the Middle Ages,” Medievalia et Husnanistica, VII (1952), 3–17Google Scholar. The church disapproved of shows (jongleurs); Waddell, Helen, The Wandering Scholars, 7th ed. (London, 1945), append., pp. 244–270Google Scholar. There was to be no singing of veneris carmina in the church: Mansi, Conciliiorum sacrorum, XXII, canon XVII col. 791, 792. Jongleura were excluded from communion and even salvation, MPL, CXCIX c. 405Google Scholar. Toward the end of the XIIth century there was a little more leniency: Thomas Aquinas believed that if the histrio does not sin and lead others to sin, his work may be licit, Summa Theol. II, 2, quaest. 168Google Scholar. Neither the Church nor Catharism could arrest the increasing number of “fabliaux” and stories as they were fashionable in the time of Boccaceio: Coppin, J., Amour et mariage dans la litt. franc. du Nord et du Moyen Age (Paris, 1961), pp. 41–42Google Scholar. But among the earlier troubadours there existed a concern over the decay of the world; Seheludko, D., “Klagen über den Verfall der Welt bei den Troubadours. Allegorisehe Darstellung der Tugenden und Laster,” Neuphilolog. Mitteilungen, XLIV (1943), 22–45Google Scholar. Schlösser, M.F., Andreanus Capellanus. Seine Minnelehre und das christliche Weltbild um 1200 (Bonn, 1960), pp. 321ffGoogle Scholar., discusses the search for a spiritual purified relationship to womanhood. On Capellanus, Andreas, cf. also Medieval Studies, VII (1946), 107–149.Google Scholar

53. Borst, op. cit., p. 106, n. 30. Of interest is Belperron, P., La joie d'amour. Contribution à l'étude des troubadours et l'amour courtois (Paris, 1948), pp. 14ffGoogle Scholar. On Esclarmonde: Nelli, S., “Esclarmonde de Foix,” Cahiers d'études cathares (1956)Google Scholar; Palais, Coiney de Saint, Esclarmonde, princesse cathare (Toulouse, 1956) (rather mediocre)Google Scholar. courtly love and dualist heresy occurred simultaneously and are expressed through the “sirventés” of the troubadours: Denis, de Rougemont, Love in the Western World (New York, 1957Google Scholar. Pellegrini, S., “Intorno al vassallaggio d'amore nel primi trovatori,” Cultura moderna, IV-V (1944–1945), 21–26Google Scholar; Koehler, Erich, “Observations historiques et sociologiques sun Ia poésie des troubadours,” Cahiers de Civihisation mediévale, XIe-XIIe siécles, VII (Université de Poitiers, 1964), 27–51.Google Scholar

54. R.H. Gene, op. cit., p. 58. Etienne Gil- son suggested more study on Cicero's influence on love and of Abelard's influence on courtly love, Gilson, Et., La théologie mystique de Saint Bernard (Paris, 1934), p. 20; and append., pp. 183–184.Google Scholar

55. The troubadour expressed the concern and hopes of a society of which he was a part, Bezzola, R. R., Le sens de la venture et de l'amour (Paris, 1947), 82.Google Scholar

56. A. Denomy, Medieval Studies, op. cit., VII, 184.

57. Gilson, Et., La philosophie au moyen-age (Paris, 1948), p. 564Google Scholar; Imbs, P., “A la recherche d'une littérature cathare,” Revue du moyen-age latin (Strasbourg, 1949).Google Scholar