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The Struggle for Constitutional Government in the Early Years of the Society of Jesus*

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  28 July 2009

Guenter Lewy
Guenter Lewy
Affiliation:
Smith College
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Extract

It is generally recognized that the centralized organization and strict discipline of the Jesuits played an important role in the Order's successful agitation against Protestantism during the Counterreformation. It is little known that during this period of great accomplishment the Society went through one of the most serious crises of its 400 years of existence—a rebellion, centered in Spain, against the allegedly dictatorial rule of the general and for a quasi-democratic form of governnient. This movement reveals the intrusion of constitutional ideas into an organization which usually has been held up as the prototype of autocracy and monolithic cohesion.

Type
Research Article
Information
Church History , Volume 29 , Issue 2 , June 1960 , pp. 141 - 160
Copyright
Copyright © American Society of Church History 1960

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References

1. Boehmer, Heinrich, The Jesuits: An Historical Study, trans. Strodach, Paul Zeller (Philadelphia, 1928), p. 99Google Scholar. The work of Boehmer, professor of church history at the University of Leipzig until his death in 1927, represents the best and most objective treatment of this highly controversial subject—the Society of Jesus.

2. Constitutiones Societatis Jesu: Anno 1558, Part IX, chap. iii, sec. 20, reprinted with a translation (London, 1838), p. 87.Google Scholar

3. Ibid., IX, v, 4, 90.

4. Ibid., VIII, 1, 73–74.

5. Ibid., IX, iii, 8, 85.

6. Jesuit writers and their friends have pointed to the right of deposing the general, granted the General Congregation, as proof that his power, while great, is not unlimited. In practice, however, this theoretical proviso has played no role whatsoever. It is available only in case of heresy or other grave sin and, as one would expect, during the more than 400 years of the Society of Jesus not a single general has been deposed. Ranke, (History gf the Popes [London, 1849] II, 389Google Scholar) reports the deposition of General Nickel in 1661, but the evidence available does not bear out Ranke's account of this affair. The sick Nickel, it appears, continued as general until he reached the age of eighty, at which time he asked for the appointment of a vicar to take over the duties he could no longer fulfill. The General Congregation, thereupon, elected vicar the Genoese Paul Oliva, who later became general upon the death of Nickel in 1664. The Constitutions of the Society (IX, v, 6) allowed for precisely this eventuality, so that the election of vicar to take over the duties of an incapacitated general was perfectly legal. Cf. Brucker, Joseph, S.J., La Compagnie de Jesus: Esquisse de son institut et de son histoire (1521–1773) (2nd ed.; Paris, 1919), p. 524Google Scholar, and the identical account of the affair by two writers not given to pro-Jesuit bias, i. e., von Döllinger, Ignaz and Reusch, Heinrich, Geschichte der Moralsireitigkeiten in der römisch-katholischen Kirehe seit dein sechzehnten Jahrhundert, mit Beiträgen zur Geschichte des Jesuitenordens (Nördlingen, 1889), I, 609–610.Google Scholar

7. Cited by Harney, Martin, S. J., The Jesuits in History: The Society of Jesus Through Four Centuries (New York, 1941), p. 116.Google Scholar

8. Constitutiones, VI, i, 1 (ed. 1838), p. 56.

9. Ibid., VI., v.

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14. Ibid., p. 118.

15. The Ratio Studiorum of 1599, trans. Ball, A. R., in St. Ignatius and the Ratio Studiorum, ed. Fitzpatrick, Edward A. (New York, 1933), p. 151.Google Scholar

16. Ibid., chap. xiv., p. 106.

17. Boehmer, p. 87.

18. Ibid., p. 92; Astrain, Antonio, S. J., Historia de la Coinpañia de Jésus en la Asistencia de España (Madrid, 1909), III, 101.Google Scholar

19. Boehmer, p. 93.

20. Merriman, H. B. (Rise of the Spanish Empire [New York, 1934] IV, 63)Google Scholar relates the story of certain Italian monks who crossed into Spain and requested from Philip II a license to establish their brotherhood within his realms. The King is said to have replied that he desired for Spain “mucha religion y pocas religiones” (much religion, but few religious orders).

21. Ibid., p 64.

22. The pope, reports Henry Charles Lea, “had conferred on their General, with power of subdelegation, faculty for absolving his subjects from heresy, even in cases of relapse; any one knowing the heresy of another was therefore to denounce him to his superior and not to the Inquisition and it was broadly asserted that the members were subject to no judge, episcopal or inquisitorial” (A History of the Inquisition of Spain [New York, 1906], II, 33)Google Scholar.

23. Astrain, III, 372–377; Pastor, Ludwig, The History of the Popes from the Middle Ages, trans. Kerr, Ralph Francis (London, 1932), XXI, 157Google Scholar. It is worth noting that Pastor's account of the Spanish opposition is based entirely on the work of Astrain whom he follows sometimes practically verbatim. This makes Pastor's writing rather one-sided and represents another instance of the general pro-Jesuit bias of this author. A repntable Catholic historian has suggested that the parts in Pastor's History dealing with the Jesuits were probably written by Jesuits working for Pastor. Cf. Baumgarten, Paul Maria, Ordenszucht end Ordensstrafrecht: Beiträge zur Gesehichte der Gesellschaft Jesu besonders in Spanien (Traunstein, 1932), I, 7Google Scholar, and the same author's lengthy review articles of Pastor's, History in Zeitsehrift für Kirchengesehiehte, XLVI (1928), 232–244 and XLVIII (1929), 416–442.Google Scholar

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25. Lea, II, 35; Astrain, III, 397–398.

26. The final victory of the Inquisition in this disputed matter of jurisdiction came in 1606 when all members of religious orders were required to denounce to the Inquisition or the bishop all suspected of the slightest heresy, without consulting anyone else (Lea, II, 36).

27. Astrain, III, 442–443.

28. Ibid., p. 477.

29. Pastor, XXI, 174.

30. Astrain, III, 473.

31. Ibid., pp. 523–524.

32. Boehmer, p. 95.

33. Astrain, III, 587.

34. Cited by Ranke, II, 81. Several other reform proposals are reprinted in full in Liberius Candidus [de Saint Ignace, Henri], Tuba magna mirum clangens sonum ad Sanctissimum D. N. Papam Clementem XI (Argentinae [sic], 1712), pp. 395–398Google Scholar, and in Scotti, Jules Clement, La monarchie des solipses, trans. Restaut, Pierre (Paris, 1824), pp. 451–460.Google Scholar

35. Astrain, III, 597–598.

36. Ibid., pp. 600–602.

37. No General Congregation was called until fifteen years later. In 1646, the rule was formally changed to a meeting every nine years and the requirement of a fixed period for General Congregation was abolished completely ia 1746 (Harney, p. 259). The order concerning limited terms of office was cancelled in 1663 (Pastor, XXIV, 179).

38. Decree 52, Institutum Societas Jesu (Prague, 1757), I, 557–558Google Scholar. All further references to this collection of the basic documents of the Order are to this edition.

39. Astrain (III, 592) admits that the introduction of the requirement of limpieza de sangre (purity of blood) into the Society was “contrary, if not to the Constitutions, at least to the known will of the holy Patriarch [Loyola],” who had repeatedly and explicitly opposed this move. In fact, one of Loyola's earliest companions and the second general of the Order, Diego Lames, had been of Jewish descent.

40. Decree 54, Institutum Societatis Jesu, I, 558–559.

41. Boehmer, pp. 96–97; Astrain, III, 649–650. The Pope had been driven to this extreme step by his mounting anger at Aquaviva's obstinate and offensive behavior in the Jesuit-Dominican controversy on grace. At one time, the Jesuit general had invoked the help of the French court; at another point he had threatened Clement with an appeal to an ecumenical council. All this added to the earlier hostility and the Pope now was prepared to resort to any means.

42. Astrain, III, 651.

43. Ibid., pp. 634–645.

44. I have consulted an anonymously translated French edition, without place or publisher: de Mendoça, Hernando, Advis de cc qu'il y á réformer en in Compagnie des Jesuites, présenté an Pape et a la congrégation générale (n. p., 1615).Google Scholar

45. Ibid., pp. 15–16.

46. Ibid., p. 6.

47. de Rivadeneyra, Pedro S. J., Tratado en el qual se da razon del Instituto de la religion de la Compagnia de Jesus, chap. xxix (Madrid, 1605), pp. 241–244.Google Scholar

48. Ibid., xxxi, 256.

49. Ibid., xxxiv, 299.

50. Astrain, III, 663.

51. Ranke, II, 132.

52. Decrees 32 and 33, Institutum Societatis Jesu, I, 577–579.

53. Decree 2, Ibid., p. 566.

54. Cf. Hurter, Hugo S. J., Nomenclator literarius theologiae Catholicae theologos exhibens aetate, natione, disciplis distinctos (3rd, ed; Innsbruck, 1907), III, 763Google Scholar; Giacon, Carlo S. J., La seconda scolastica (Milan, 1950), III, 255.Google Scholar

55. Astrain, VI, 170. Three MSS are preserved in the archives of the Society in Spain which, according to Astrain, substantially correspond with the published text.

56. The French title reads: Diseours du pere lean Mariana, Iesuite Espagnol, des grands defautes qui sont en la forme du gouverneinent des Iesuites. The transation into French has been attributed to Jean de Cordes or Auger de Mauleon (Weiss, , “Mariana,” Biographie Universelle, ed. Michaud, J. F. [2nd ed.; Paris, n. d.] XXVI, 576, n. 1)Google Scholar. Both the French translation and the Spanish original were reprinted in Le Mercure Iesuite, Vol. II (Geneva, 1630)Google Scholar.

57. Cf. Index Librorum Prohibitorum (Rome, 1948)Google Scholar. In this latest edition the following notation is found on p. 303: “Mariana, Juan. Tratado de las cosas que ay dignas de remedio en la compañia de Jesus. Decr. 17. iun. 1627.”

58. I have seen it listed last in the Spanish Index of 1805, p. 215.

59. de Mariana, Juan S. J., Discurso de las enfermedadas de la Compañia: Con una disertacion sobre el autor y la legitimad de la obra y un apendice de varios testimonios de Jesuitas Espanolas que concuerdan con Mariana (Madrid, 1768)Google Scholar. The introduction and appendix are carefully executed. I have used a reprint of this edition which appeared in Mexico in 1841. The Discourse is also included in the Works of Mariana in the Biblioteca de Autores Españoles, Vol. XXXI.

60. Ibid., Argumento de este tratado.

61. Ibid., chap. x, p. 118.

62. Ibid., p. 120.

63. Ibid.

64. Ibid., xi, 122.

65. Ibid., xii, 125–126.

66. Ibid., p. 127.

67. Ibid., xiii, 128

68. Ibid., p. 129.

69. Ibid.

70. Ibid., p. 130.

71. Ibid., xiv, 133.

72. Ibid., p. 134.

73. Ibid., xv, 138.

74. Ibid., p. 139.

75. Ibid., xvii.

76. Ibid., xviii.

77. Boehmer, p. 100.

78. Discurso, xix, 156.

79. Ibid., p. 160.

80. Ibid., Conclusion de este tratado, p. 164.

81. Cf. Smith, Sidney F. S. J., “The Suppression of the Society of Jesus,” The Month, IC (1902), 366Google Scholar. See also de Saint Victor, J. M. Bins (ed.), Documents historiques, critiques, apoloqétiques concernant la Compagnie de Jésus (Paris, 1827-1830)Google Scholar, Doc. IV.

82. Harney, p. 310.

83. Boehmer, p. 189.