1. Oldenberg, Friedrich Salomo, “Zur Kunde Masurens: Bericht dem Centrale Ausschusse für Innern Mission,” 18 December 1865Google Scholar, Evangelisches Zentral Archiv, Berlin, 7/3521[2], (hereafter cited as EZA, Berlin, 7/3521[2],). The EZA has two copies of the report under the classification 7/3521. Oldenberg and a copyist reproduced the first while four copyists worked on the second copy: Copyist A reproduced pages 1, 49–96; Copyist B: 2–11; Copyist C: 12–48; and Copyist D: 97–173. The final sections, “Wishes” and “Recommendations to the Central Committee,” noted in the Table of Contents are missing. The author of this article worked with the second copy (7/3521[2]) that has 173 numbered pages. References in this article refer to that copy, which is identical with the manuscript in the Archiv des Diakonischen Werkes.

2. Fears of Poland reclaiming West and East Prussia are documented in Hagen, William W., Germans, Poles, and Jews: The Nationality Conflict in the Prussian East, 1772–1914 (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1980), 50, 124.Google Scholar

3. Hope, Nicholas, “Prussian Protestantism,” in Modern Prussian History, 1830–1947, ed. Dwyer, Philip G. (Harlow, U.K.: Pearson Education Limited, 2001), 190.Google Scholar

4. Fliegende Blätter aus dem Rauhen Hause zu Horn bei Hamburg 23 (1866): 294–310, 325–40, 378–87Google Scholar. The pagination is provided by Grzegorz Jasiński in the book, Oldenberg, Friedrich Salomo, Zur Kunde Masurens: Bericht für den Central-Ausschuß für Angelegenheiten der Inneren Mission aus dem Jahre 1865, eds. Grzegorz, Jasiński and Rudolf, Schridde, trans. Rogall, Joachim and Kluge, Friedemann (Dortmund: Forschungsstelle Ostmitteleuropa, 2001), 44.Google Scholar

5. Kammel, Richard, Die Muttersprache in der kirchlichen Verkündigung: Die kirchliche Versorgung der polnisch sprechenden evangelischen Gemeinden in Preußen in den letzten hundert Jahren (Witten: Luther Verlag, 1959), 130–68Google Scholar; Hubatsch, Walter, Geschichte der evangelischen Kirche Ostpreußens, Bd. 1 (Göttingen: Vandenhoeck and Ruprect, 1968), 368, 413–14.Google Scholar

6. Jasiński, Grzegorz utilized a 255-page manuscript that was reproduced in 1901 from a copy housed in the Archiv des Zentralausschusses für die Innere Mission. The 1901 copy is currently in the Wojciech-Kętrzyński Research Center, Olsztyn, Poland. Jasiński, Zur Kunde Masurens, 59–60.Google Scholar

7. Eyck, F., The Frankfurt Parliament 1848–49 (London: St. Martin's, 1968)CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Nipperdey, T., Germany from Napoleon to Bismarck, 1800–1866, trans. Nolan, Daniel (Princeton, N.J.: Princeton University Press, 1996), chapter 5.Google Scholar

8. Analyses of the road to unification include Blackbourn, David, The Long Nineteenth Century: A History of Germany, 1780–1918 (New York: Oxford University Press, 1998)Google Scholar; John, Breuilly, ed., The State of Germany; The National Idea in the Making, Unmaking and Remaking of a Modern Nation State (London: Longman, 1992)Google Scholar; The Formation of the First German Nation-State 1800–1871 (New York: St. Martin's, 1996)Google Scholar; Austria, Prussia and Germany, 1806–1871 (London: Longman, 2002).Google Scholar

9. For a recent study on Kulturkampf and its literature, see Drury, Marjule Anne, “Anti-Catholicism in Germany, Britain, and the United States: A Review and Critique of Recent Scholarship,” Church History: Studies in Christianity and Culture 70:1 (03 2001): 98.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

10. In the first half of 1848, German Protestants, lay and ordained, convened a number of assemblies in German-speaking territories to discuss the relationship of their churches with their governments, as well as their association with each other. On the issue of church and state, some leaders considered separating the two institutions and letting the church govern itself with lay leaders and clergy serving on parish councils and sending representatives to district synods. Delegates attending the district synods would then elect representatives to a General Assembly, the ultimate authority. Opponents, believing that church and state should remain linked, proposed the continuation of the traditional consistory. In this scheme, lay leaders and clergy worked together on parish councils and in district synods but reported to and received instructions from a provincial and/or senior consistory that was staffed by government appointed clergy and lawyers. On the issue of interchurch relations, leaders considered two options: a federation of churches with a central judicatory that would direct the territorial/ confessional churches or an alliance in which a central committee only made recommendations to the churches that remained independent. The federation appealed to individuals who yearned for a national German Protestant Church, while the alliance found a receptive audience among those who opposed the creation of such a national church.

11. Johann Hinrich Wichern opened his first shelter for delinquent boys in the suburbs of Hamburg in 1833. In addition to caring for the boys, Wichern also trained assistants who transplanted his ideas of social welfare and Christian charity when they found employment in orphanages or prisons in other German territories. Convinced that charitable organizations were the solution to the social crises created by industrial society, Wichern shared his insights and reported on the progress of his ministries in his newspaper, Flying Leaves, which he started in 1844. Wichern's presentations at the Assembly of Churches are documented in Peter, Meinhold, ed., Johann Hinrich Wichern Sämtliche Werke, Band 1, Die Kirche und Ihr Soziales Handeln (Berlin: Lutherisches Verlagshaus, 1962), 155–73 (hereafter cited as SWI)Google Scholar; see also Groh, John E., Nineteenth Century German Protestantism: The Church as Social Model (Washington, D.C.: University Press of America, 1982), 241Google Scholar, and Julius, Bodensiech, ed., The Encyclopedia of the Lutheran Church (Philadelphia, Penn.: Fortress, 1965)Google Scholar, s.v. “Wichern, Johann Hinhch” by Ingetraut Ludolphy.

12. Although leaders had traveled to Wittenberg to consider realigning the German Protestant churchscape, they could only agree on revitalizing it before leaving. They enshrined that commitment to Wichern's Inner Mission in Article 5e of their “Resolution” and elected Moritz von Bethmann-Hollweg as President, Friedrich Julius Stahl (1802–61) as Vice-President, and Heinrich von Mühler as the Secretary of the steering committee. Since Prussian Protestants found an alliance the least offensive form of government, the steering committee designed the Inner Mission to function as an alliance. Its Central Committee, the outgrowth of the steering committee, could only advise charitable societies or consistories and convene conferences to discuss social ministry. It had no power to mandate or initiate reform, and association with the Central Committee remained voluntary. Wichern's Flying Leaves became its voice, and with the exception of Wichern who was from Hamburg, all of its members were Prussians. “Nr. 129. Beschluß der Wittenberger Versammlung über den Deutschen Evangelischen Kirchenbund,” in Staat und Kirche im 19. und 20. Jahrhundert: Dokumente z. Geschichte d. Dt. Staatskirchenrechts, eds. Huber, Ernst Rudolf and Huber, Wolfgang (Berlin: Duncker and Humblot, 1973–1995), 2:293Google Scholar. The following year, 1849, Wichem released his “Manifesto for the Central Committee,” in which he described the charitable and evangelization initiatives that he believed would reform the German churchscape and German society. Welfare activities included caring for the poor, the sick, and the aged, promoting the establishment of orphanages and societies for prison visitation, campaigns against drinking, prostitution, and illegitimacy, and advocacy for housing and prison reform. Evangelization initiatives included the distribution of Bibles and tracts, the promotion of home devotions and Bible study, the establishment of evangelical publication houses, libraries, and newspapers, and the employment of colporteurs and evangelists. See Groh, , Nineteenth Century German Protestantism, 267–68.Google Scholar

13. Left-wing extremists as well as right-wing Lutherans did not participate in the Wittenberg Assembly. Detailed proceedings are reported in Goeters, J. F. Gerhard, Rogge, Joachim, and Mau, Rudolf, Die Geschichte der evangelischen Kirche der Union: Em Handbuch (Leipzig: Evangelische Verlagsanstalt, 1992), 2:399–401.Google Scholar

14. In April 1849, 59 agents worked for the Inner Mission, and 12 charitable societies had established contacts with the Central Committee. By August 1849, the number of agents had increased to 116, and 24 traditional charities were in dialog with the Central Committee. The Province of Prussia, an early partner in the initiative, illustrates the weakness of the Protestant program. In November 1848, two months after the Wittenberg Assembly, pastors and seminarians in the Evangelical Association in Königsberg dedicated themselves to the causes of the Inner Mission at the urging of seminarian Friedrich Oldenberg. They organized a Provincial Committee within a year and at their first Provincial Convention (1850) discussed the plight of children working as shepherds and the needs of rural day laborers. Subsequent conventions addressed prison chaplaincies, Sunday observances, and pastoral care for railroad construction workers, but the outreach initiatives depended on the willingness of local pastors and/or seminarians to assume additional responsibilities. Seminarians, for example, established and maintained a ministry to the work crews that were laying the tracks on the railroads connecting Berlin with Königsberg and Eydtkuhnen. They traveled to the work camps, distributed literature, and conducted some seventy traditional worship services in the barracks or nearby fields. Nevertheless, the ministry lacked essential institutional support, and when the students relocated or graduated, the initiative stopped. With limited human resources at its disposal, the Inner Mission came to rely on the distribution of religious literature to communicate its message and always noted the number of published items sold or distributed in its annual reports and publications. In 1854, the inventory of distributed and sold items in the province included 250 Bibles, 5,000 religious books, some 7,000 tracts, and 20,000 biblical pictures.

Enthusiasm for the Inner Mission, however, dwindled quickly following the death of its major supporters, and members decided to dissolve the Provincial Committee in 1859. They argued that the Inner Mission ministries were the responsibility of the newly created parish councils and district synods. The Central Committee in Berlin was displeased with their decision and sent a representative to encourage the reestablishment of a Provincial Committee in 1863, and again in 1864. Only after a West Prussian Provincial Committee was organized in Danzig in 1864 did pastors and interested lay people in East Prussia reestablish a Provincial Committee. When Friedrich Oldenberg, a major force in the first Provincial Committee, returned to his natal province as the Managing Director of the Central Committee for inner Mission in 1865, the reestablished Provincial Committee had only fifty-one members. For a detailed presentation, see Groh, , Nineteenth Century German Protestantism, 244–49, 268–69Google Scholar, and Hubatsch, , Geschichte der evangelischen, Bd. 1, 334–37.Google Scholar

15. The proposal would be denied. Roger, Aubert and others, eds., The Church in the Age of Liberalism (New York: Crossroad, 1981), 74–75.Google Scholar

16. Gross, Michael B., “The Catholic Missionary Crusade and the Protestant Revival in Nineteenth-Century Germany,” in Protestants, Catholics, and Jews in Germany, 1800–1914, ed. Smith, Helmut Walser (New York: Berg, 2001), 245–65.Google Scholar

17. Ibid., 249–53; Sperber, Jonathan, Popular Catholicism in Nineteenth-Century Germany (Princeton, N.J.: Princeton University Press, 1984), 57–60Google Scholar; Gatz, Erwin, Rheinische Volksmission im 19. Jahrhundert, dargesteilt am Beispiel des Erzbistums Köln: Ein Beitrag zur Geschichte der Seelsorge im Zeitalter der katholischen Bewegung (Düsseldorf: L. Schwann, 1963).Google Scholar

18. In 1857, for example, Father Pruss in Allenstein, Prussian Ermland, reported to Archbishop Joseph Ambrose Geritz, Bishop of Ermland 1840–67, that Protestants and Jews “knelt together and wept at the sermons” during the mission festival in Allenstein. Gross, Michael B., “The Catholic Missionary Crusade and the Protestant Revival in Nineteenth-Century Germany,” in Protestants, Catholics, and Jews in Germany, 1800–1914, 263, n. 56Google Scholar. In Prussian Ermland, for example, the Jesuits, at the invitation of Bishop Joseph Geritz (1783–1867), conducted sixteen missions between 1852 and 1863. In Allenstein (1857, 1863) and Wuttrienen (1863) the missionaries preached in German and Polish. Father Superior Praszalowicz led the successful weeklong campaign in Wuttrienen by preaching three sermons a day in Polish and hearing confessions between services. Clergy reported that some ten thousand people participated in the Wuttrienen mission, while some fifteen thousand attended the event in Allenstein. Bernhard, Duhr, ed., Aktenstücke zur Geschichte der Jesuiten-Missionen in Deutschland, 1848–1872 (Freiburg im Breisgau: Herdersche Verlagshandlung, 1903), 311–12Google Scholar. The missions in Prussian Ermiand included Allenstein (1857, 1863); Bischofstein (1859); Braunsberg (1852); Elbing (1854); Groß Köllen (1863); Heilsberg (1853); Kalwe (1857); Marienburg (1853); Mehlsack (1854); Pestlin (1856); Rössel (1853); Seeburg (1854); Wartenberg (1857); Wormditt (1860); Wuttrienen (1863).

19. Sperber, , Popular Catholicism in Nineteenth-Century Germany, 98.Google Scholar

20. Lamberti, Marjorie, “Religious Conflicts and German National Identity in Prussia 1866–1914,” in Modern Prussia, ed. Philip, Dury, 171Google Scholar; Sperber, , Popular Catholicism in Nineteenth-Century Germany, 157–59.Google Scholar

21. Lamberti, 169–82.

22. The cottages were called Chaluppe and the landless peasants were Chaluppniks.

23. EZA, Berlin, 7/19141, Undersecretary Kassa to Rudolph von Uechtritz, 29 August 1859, 2B.

24. Ibid., 1B.

25. Ibid., 5B.

26. Von Kries reported in April 1860 that the Catholic population had only increased 10 percent while the Protestant population increased 12 percent between 1840 and 1858. Kammel, , Die Muttersprach, 130–31Google Scholar. According to Walter Hubatsch, the Mazurian districts had five Catholic parishes in 1851. By 1865, the Catholic Church had fourteen churches in the districts, with thirteen priests, twenty schools, and nineteen schoolteachers. Hubatsch, , Geschichte der evangelischeri, Bd. 1, 413.Google Scholar

27. Jan Jenczio had complained to the Consistory about the drinking of Pastor Karl Schrage (1805–58) and was responsible for his removal in 1857, three years before Dr. Carl Moll was appointed the General Superintendent. District Superintendent, Pastor Ernst Stem (1786–1876), a close relative of Schrage's, had defended his cousin's behavior and was subsequently forced to relinquish the Office of District Superintendent in 1860. Jasiński, , Zur Kunde Masurens, 128Google Scholar. For information about the career of General Superintendent Carl Moll, see Allgemeine Deutsche Biographic (Leipzig: Duncker and Humblot, 1885)Google Scholar, s.v. “Moll, Karl Bernhard” by C. Alfred Hase, 22:115–17.

28. Heinrich von Mühler was the Minister for Ecclesiastical Affairs and Education between March 17, 1862 and January 17, 1872, and simultaneously the President of the Senior Consistory from November 2, 1863 to January 25, 1865. Goeters, , Rogge, , and Mau, , Die Geschichte der Evangelischen, 2:500.Google Scholar

29. My translation from Kammel, , Die Muttersprache, 134.Google Scholar

30. Ibid.

31. Gerhardt, Martin, Ein Jahrhundert Innere Mission: Die Geschichte des Central-Ausschusses für die Innere Mission der Deutschen Evangelischen Kirche, 1. Die Wichernzeit (Gütersloh: C. Bertelsmann Verlag, 1948), 273–75.Google Scholar

32. Jasiński, , Zur Kunde Masurens, 29–31.Google Scholar

33. EZA, Berlin, 7/3521[2], 2. The name of the translator was noted in Jasiński, 68.

34. The history of the region was provided by Cosack's, C. J.Paulus Speratus Leben und Lieder: Ein Beitrag zur Reformationsgeschichte (Braunschweig: C. A. Schwetschke, 1861)Google Scholar, the unpublished manuscripts of the German authority on Mazuria, Max Töppen (1822–93), and the letters of Martin Gerss (1808–95) with whom Oldenberg corresponded between September 1865 and January 1866. The correspondence with Martin Gerss was noted in Jasiński, 41.

35. Table of Contents in the Oldenberg report include the following subject headings and page numbers: The Land, 4; The Name, 5; The Past, 6; The Present, 29; The Language, 29; The Culture, 30; Life, 36; Customs and Traditions, 42; Religious Life, 54; Church and Worship Services, 55; Parochial Visits, 59; Jan Jenczio, 64; Superstition and Catholicism, 74; Alcoholism, 88; Laborers, 96; Mazur and German, 97; Agrarian Societies and Highways, 99; Border Closures, 103; Ownership and Credit, 107; Taxes, 110; Catholicism and Urgent Needs of the Evangelical Church and Its Schools, 121; Lyck, 121; Johannisburg, 123; Milken and Rhein, 124; Sensburg, 126; Osterode, 128; Neidenburg, 127; Ortelsburg, 145; Mixed Marriages and Catholics, 152; Schools, 157; Poor Defenses against Catholic Church, 167; Baptists, 169; Small Towns and Parish Councils, 170; Needs, 172; Wishes, 172, Recommendations 173. EZA, Berlin, 7/3521[2], 3.

36. Ibid., 23, 150.

37. Early history of Mazuria, ibid., 9–14. For a detailed description of the Reformation in Mazuria in English, see Krueger, Karl, “Psalms and Potatoes: The Congregations of the Polish-speaking Protestant Mazurians in East Prussia, Suwalki, Poland, and the United States” (Ph. D. diss., University of Michigan, 1992).Google Scholar

38. EZA, Berlin, 7/3521[2], 14–23. Mazurian living conditions are described on pages 36–37, 89.

39. Ibid., 30, 32, 36, 41–42, 89–91.

40. Ibid., 90.

41. Oldenberg discussed Mazurian spirituality in sections entitled Culture, Life, Customs and Traditions, Religious Life, Church and Worship Services, Intercessory Prayers, Jenczio, as well as the section entitled Superstition and Catholicism.

42. Faithful worship attendance and a cappella singing before worship, EZA, Berlin, 7/3521 [2], 57–58.

43. Ibid., 31.

44. Anieli z nieba zstąpili, Wasiański, J., Nowo Wydany KancyonałPruski (Krolewiec [Königsberg]: Hartung, 1907)Google Scholar, Nr. 26. (hereafter cited as Wasiański).

45. Narodzil się nam Zbawiciel, ibid., Nr. 39.

46. EZA, Berlin, 7/3521[2], 48–51. The Mazurians referred to the service as Jutrznia.

47. Ibid., 28, 63, 74. The devotional literature that Oldenberg found in Mazurian homes included Martin Luther (1483–1546), House Sermons [Postilla Domowa] (Krolewiec [Königsberg]: Jan Daubmann, 1574)Google Scholar; Hollaz, David (1648–1713), Evangelic Order of Grace [Zbawienny Łaski Ewangeliczney Porządek] (Margrabowa: Edward Peglau, 1859)Google Scholar; Arndt, Johann (1555–1621), True Christianity [Sześć Ksiąg O Prawdziwym Chrześciaństwie O zbawienney Pokucie] (Krolewiec [Königsberg]: Hartung, 1845)Google Scholar; Dombrowski, Samuel (1577–1625), Sermons [Kazania na niedziele i śięta catego roku X. Samuela Dambrowskiego)] (Łku: Wilhelm Menzel, 1853)Google Scholar; and Langenhausen, Christian (1660–1727), Children's Sermons [Postyla dla Dziatek, to iest: Krotkie a proste wyktady Ewangieliy na niedziele i Swięta] (Krolewiec [Königsberg]: Schultzsche Hofbuchdruckerei, 1861)Google Scholar. Jerzy Wasiański assembled the Mazurian hymnal, Nowo Wydany Kancyonał Pruski. After graduating from the University of Königsberg, Jerzy Wasiański served as a deacon at Polish St. Nicholas in Königsberg and later as pastor in the town of Neidenburg. Using the German hymnal of his mentor Georg Rogall as a guide, Wasiański organized 735 Polish hymns under 59 liturgical and theological headings. The oblong volume, 18 mo. in format, was published in Königsberg until 1925 and remained a unique creation in the Mazurian canon because it included hymns of Polish-speaking clerics, as well as Polish translations of German chorales. For a bibliography of Protestant materials in Polish, see Chojnacki, Władysław, Bibliografia Polskich Druków Ewangelickich Ziem Zachodnich I Północnych, 1530–1939 (Warsaw: Zwiastun, 1966).Google Scholar

48. EZA, Berlin, 7/3521[2], 63–73; Oldenberg also met a remarkable young girl by the name of Gottlinde in Ortelsburg. She had memorized the entire Mazurian hymnal, large sections of the Bible, as well as Johann Arndt's True Christianity. Despite her exceptional abilities, the Inner Mission inspector devoted only a few sentences to her achievements because her gender limited her usefulness in the patriarchal world of nineteenth-century Protestantism. Ibid., 64.

49. Sperber, , Popular Catholicism, 94.Google Scholar

50. EZA, Berlin, 7/3521[2], 60–61.

51. Ibid., 43–45. Zaproś Jezusa na wesele, Wasiański, Nr. 39. The German chorale was “Wer den Ehestand will erwählen.”

52. The harvest festival was known as Płon.

53. Chwala Bogu z wysokości, Wasiański, Nr. 210.

54. EZA, Berlin, 7/3521[2], 46–47. Ju zem obiad odprawili, Wasiański, Nr. 705.

55. EZA, Berlin, 7/3521[2], 74–87.

56. Ibid., 75, 77, 80.

57. Ibid., 57–58, 76, 78.

58. Ibid., 82, 84, 86.

59. Ibid., 81–82, 86.

60. Ibid., 56, 76, 86.

61. Ibid., 54.

62. Ibid., 115–16, 120, 149–50.

63. Ibid., 117–18.

64. Ibid., 10, 24, 52, 77, 117.

65. Unlike impoverished Mazurians who subdivided their smalltholdings among all their sons, landowners in Ermland, Poles, and affluent Bavarians who promote a “very bigoted form of Catholicism,” gave the entire farm to the oldest son. Younger Sons were bought out or entered the priesthood. Inexpensive land was scarce in Ermland, so young men interested in farming looked to neighboring Mazuria. Ibid., 118.

66. Ibid., 151.

67. Ibid., 169.

68. Ibid., 121–52.

69. Ibid., 146.

70. Ibid., 96.

71. Ibid., 157–61.

72. Ibid., 92, 94.

73. Ibid., 159.

74. The German philosopher Johann Gottfried Herder (1744–1803) was born in Mohrungen, East Prussia, and studied at the University of Königsberg. At the conclusion of his studies he moved to Riga, then became the General Superintendent of the Lutheran Church in Weimar. Herder argued for a recognition of and respect for the Volk and their cultures. Judging other cultures according to an external or supposed superior standard promoted misunderstandings because it violated their sacred right to uniqueness.

75. Levinger, Matthew, Enlightened Nationalism: The Transformation of Prussian Political Culture, 1806–1848 (New York: Oxford University Press, 2000), 203.Google Scholar

76. For an analysis of this transformation within the Mazurian context, see Kossert, Andreas, Preußen, Deutsche oder Polen?: Die Masuren im Spannungsfeld des ethnischen Nationalismus, 1870–1956 (Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz, 2001).Google Scholar

77. EZA, Berlin, 7/3521[2], 74.

78. Kammel, , Die Muttersprache, 146–47.Google Scholar

79. Töppen, Max, Geschichte Masurens (Danzig: np., 1870), xxxv.Google Scholar

80. Remus's recommendations are my translation of Kammel, . Die Muttersprache, 163Google Scholar. The Luther book published following Oldenberg's visit was Hermann Theodor Wangemnann, Marcin Luter, Doktor słowa Boßgo (Barmen: Johann Freidrich Steinhaus, 1868)Google Scholar, noted in Hubatsch, , Geschichte der evangelischen, 1:413,Google Scholar. The Remus quote is my translation of Hubatsch, ibid., 1:415.

81. Ibid., 1:415; Kammel, , Die Muttersprache, 165–68Google Scholar. Heinrich von Mühler resigned as Minister for Ecclesiastical Affairs and Education on January 17, 1872. Ludwig Mathis, the President of the Senior Consistory, resigned on June 30, 1872.

82. “Article XX,” in The Book of Concord, eds. Robert, Kolb and Wengert, Timothy J. (Minneapolis, Minn.: Augsburg Fortress, 2000), 52, 54.Google Scholar

83. Hübinger, Gangolf, “Chapter 7: Confessionalism,” in Imperial Germany: A Historiographical Companion, ed. Roger, Chickering (London: Greenwood, 1996), 162.Google Scholar

84. Mazurians in East Prussia were an impoverished agrarian people, speaking a Polish dialect and, like the Polish population in Silesia, had no formal contact with Polish culture. Unlike the Polish population in Prussian Silesia who were Catholic, the Prussian Mazurians were Protestant and dominated by a Prussian German clergy. For further discussion of the Polish population in Silesia, see Hagen, , Germans, Poles, and Jews, 7.Google Scholar

85. Lindermann, Gerhard, “Die preußisch-deutsche Reichsgrundung 1870/1871 und die polniache Minderheit,” Kirchliche Zeitgeschichte 15:1 (2002): 34, 39, 42Google Scholar; Hubatsch, , Geschichte der evangelischen, 1:416.Google Scholar

86. Lindermann, , “Die preußisch-deutsche Reichsgründung 1870–1971 und die polnische Minderheit,” Kirchliche Zeitgeschichte 15 (Heft 1:2002): 40–41.Google Scholar