Published online by Cambridge University Press: 28 July 2009
When Nicholas, the first of that name, was consecrated pope on the twenty-fourth of April, 858, no one—least of all the Emperor Louis II, by whose favor the former deacon succeeded in obtaining the election—could have foreseen the series of political and ecclesiastical upheavals, more like the thunderbolts of Jupiter than the benedictions of St. Peter, by which the new occupant of the Holy See won fame for himself, prestige for the papacy, and the dignity of being called “the Great.” Few popes hold a more dominating place in the history of the Catholic Church than Nicholas I. In the course of his nine-year pontificate he so fully succeeded in establishing his pre-eminence in the late Carolingian world over both prince and prelate that he found it possible to attain his ends by the mere rumbling of thunder, without using the ecclesiastical lightning-bolt in any but the most extreme cases. The mere threat of excommunication often proved sufficient to move mighty kings and not-so-mighty emperors into the path of righteousness.
1 A convenient summary of these ideas may be found in Hauek, Albert, Der Gedanke der päpstlichen Weltherrschaft bis auf Bonifaz VIII (Leipzig, 1904).Google Scholar The quotation from McIlwain, is in The Growth of Political Thought in the West (New York, 1932), 178.Google Scholar Cf. R. W. and Carlyle, A. J., A History of Medieval Political Theory in the West (Edinburgh, 1928–1936, 6 vols.), I, 253–54.Google Scholar
2 For example, Nicholas to Charles the Bald, Nov. 23, 862 (Monumenta Germaniae Historica, Epist., VI, 271, No. 5):Google Scholar Sedes haec sancta atque praecipua, cui dominici gregis est sollicitudo curaque commissa, in omnibus mundi partibus rectitudinis suae dispositione salubri cuncta ordinare perficereque divino freta procurat auxilio….” Cf. No. 74, pp. 404 f.
3 The same, Nov. 23, 862 (MGH, VI, 273, No. 7):Google Scholar “Et quoniam ad hanc sanctam Romanam, cui Deo auctore deservimus, ecclesiam, quae ob sui privilegii principatum, quo ceteras Dei ecclesias orbe universo diffusas excellit divinitus, de diversis mundi partibus cotidie multi sceleris mole oppressi confugiunt…”
4 Fully treated in Dümmeler, Ernst, Geschichte des ostfränkischen Reiches (Leipzig, 1887, 3 vols.)Google Scholar; Parisot, Robert, Le royavme de Lorraine sous les Carolingiens (843–923) (Paris, 1899)Google Scholar; Perels, Ernst, Papst Nikolaus I. und Anastasius Bitliothecarius (Berlin, 1920).Google Scholar
5 Nicholas to the bishops in the Kingdom of Louis the German, Oct. 31, 867 (MGH, VI, 340 ff.Google Scholar, No. 53). Cf. Perels, , Papst Nikolaus I., 69.Google Scholar
6 Perels, , Papst Nikolaus I., 72.Google Scholar
7 Nicholas to the bishops of Gaul and Germany, 863 in. (MGH, VI, 276, No. 10).Google Scholar
8 Nicholas to Archbishop Ado of Vienna, ca. Oct. 30, 863 (MGH, VI, 284, No. 18): “Scelus, quod Hlotharius rex, si tamen rex veraciter dici possit, qui nullo salubri regimine corporis apetitus refrenat….”Google Scholar
9 Nicholas to the bishops of Germany, Oct. 31, 867 (MGH, VI, 343, No. 53):Google Scholar “… corruptis, immo et ad favorem suum traductis legatis nostris.”
10 Nicholas to Archbishop Ado of Vienna, ca. Oct. 30, 863 (MGH, VI, 285Google Scholar, No. 18). “Synhodum … cum Epheseno latrocinio reputatam….”
11 MGH, VI, 279 ff.Google Scholar, Nos. 13–15. “Et quoniam licet humana quaedam potestas permittat, divina tamen canonicaque censura te in eadem ecclesia in episcopum consecrari nequaquam consentit …” “Quam cunctis Christianis legibus detestandam praesumptionem a gloria tua contra ecclesiesticas institutiones minime perpetrare optamus neque aliquo modo patimur, quoniam, si regum est proprium rebelles corporis motus rationis imperio refrenare ac regere, debuerat utique excellentia tua in omnium regni tui ecclesiarum defensione adesse et minime metropolitani Remorum iure soluto in parrochiis regni tui viduatae ecclesiae Hilduinum aliunde constituere pervasorem.”
12 Nicholas to the Synod of Senlis, ca. Apr. 28, 863 (MGH, VI, 357, No. 57):Google Scholar “Beatus autem Gregorius seribens ad Theotistam patriciam inter cetera: ‘Si enim,’ inquit, dicunt religionis causa coniugia debere dissolvi, sciendum est, quia, etsi hoc lex humana concessit, lex tamen divina prohibuit.' Ecce quemadmodum imperiali indicio non possint ecclesiastiea iura dissolvi, ecce qualiter, quod lex humana concessit, lex divina prohibeat. Non quod imperatorum leges, quibus saepe ecclesia contra hereticos utitur, saepe contra tyrannos atque contra pravos quosque defenditur, dicamus penitus renuendas, sed quod eas evangelicis, apostolieis atque canonicis decretis, quibus postponendae sunt, nullum posse inferre praeiudicium asseramus.”
13 June 9, 865 (MGH, VI, 313 f., No. 39).Google Scholar
14 MGH, VI, 380, No. 66a.Google Scholar
15 Ca. Dec. 24, 864 (MGH, VI, 382, No. 67)Google Scholar; cf. Perels, , Papst Nikolaus I., 99–113Google Scholar for details on Rothad.
16 862 (MGH, VI, 622, No. 107).Google Scholar
17 863 in. (MGH, VI, 623, No. 108).Google Scholar
18 Nicholas to Louis the German and Charles the Bald, ca. Apr. 22, 865 (MGH, VI, 309Google Scholar f., No. 38). Erdmann, , KreuzzugsgedankenGoogle Scholar, deals thoroughly with this aspect.
19 Nicholas to the Frankish bishops, 863 in. (MGH, VI, 275 f., No. 10)Google Scholar: “Incognitum vobis esse non credimus, qualiter pro duabus feminis Holotharii regis ecclesiae Dei facies illiciti conubii nevo aspersa sit vel qualiter una repulsa idem rex alteram sibi sceleratissime copulaverit.”
20 Nicholas to Louis the German, 864 med. ann. (MGH VI, 290, No. 26).Google Scholar
21 Nicholas to idem, Oct. 30, 867 (MGH, VI, 334 ff., No. 51).Google Scholar
22 Nicholas to Lothair II, 865 in. (MGH, VI, 308, No. 37).Google Scholar
23 Nicholas to Lothringian bishops, to Charles the Bald, and to Louis the German (MGH, VI, 328 ff., Nos. 47–49).Google Scholar
24 Nicholas to the sons of Charles the Bald, 863 (MGH, VI, 278, No. 12).Google Scholar
25 Nicholas to Bernard, 865 (MGH, VI, 314, No. 40).Google Scholar
26 Nicholas to Charles the Bald, 865–66 (MGH, VI, 318 f., No. 44).Google Scholar
27 Cf. on the excommunication, Perels, E., “Ein Berufsangeschreiben Papst Nikolaus' I,” Neues Archiv, XXXII, 133–149Google Scholar, esp. 147; Dümmeler, , Geschichte, II, 172.Google Scholar
28 Nicholas to the nobles of Aquitaine, Dec, 866 (MGH, VI, 317 f., No. 43).Google Scholar
29 Ibid., 317: “Sollicitudinis, quam pro universis ecclesiis Domini circumducimus, necessitas nos compellit de omnium fidelium statu impigram gerere providentiam.”
30 Ibid., 318: “Si enim, qui de palatio regis aliquid ademit, non evadet legaliter impunitus, quanto minus qui ad aedibus Dei, qui est rex regum et dominus dom-inantium.…”
31 Nicholas to Charles the Bald, 865 in. (MGH, VI, 302 f., No. 33)Google Scholar: “Parcite gladio et humanum fundere sanguinem formidolosius exhorrescite,” etc.
32 Nicholas to the West Frankish bishops, 865 in. (MGH, VI, 303 ff., No. 34).Google Scholar
33 Genesis 1:16.
34 Nicholas, to Wenilon, Archbishop, 858–860Google Scholar (MGH, VI, 611Google Scholar, No. 103): “Contra illos nimirum, qui beatissimi apostolorum principis Petri eiusque successorum luculentissimam doctrinam sedemque spernentes, quern [which Hauck would read quam, for sedes apostolica] Dei filius in sancta ecclesia sua tamquam luminare maius in caelo constituit, veluti quidam scorpiones palantes incedunt in meridie, et cum adhuc dies est, occidit eis sol.” Cf. Hauck, , Der Gedanke der p pstlichen Weitherrschaft, 22.Google Scholar
35 Nicholas to the Frankish bishops, 864 in. (MGH, VI, 288, No. 24.)Google Scholar Cf. Kern, Fritz, Gottesgnadentum und Widerstandsrecht (tr. as Kingship and Law in the Middle Ages, Oxford, 1939), 97–117.Google Scholar
36 Nicholas to Bishop Adventius of Metz, Sept. 17, 864 (MGH, IV, 299, No. 31):Google Scholar “Illud vero quod dicitis regibus et principibus vos esse subiectos, eo quod dicat apostolus: ‘Sive regi tamquam praecellenti,’ placet. Verumtamen videte, utrum reges isti et principes, quibus vos subiectos esse dicitis, veraciter reges et principes sint. Videte, si primum se bene regunt, deinde siibditum populum; nam qui sibi nequam est, cui alii bonus erit? Videte, si iure principantur: alioquin potius tyranni credendi sunt quam reges habendi; quibus magis resistere et ex adverso ascendere quam subdi debemus. Alioquin si talibus subditi et non praelati fuerimus nos, necesse est eorum vitiis faveamus. Ergo, ‘regi quasi praecellenti,’ virtutibus scilicet et non vitiis, subditi estote, sed, sicut apostolus ait, ‘propter Deum’ et non contra Deum.”
37 Strong support for the radical nature of this line of thought is found in the letters of Nicholas that deal with the Eastern question. Laws that are opposed to the law of God are to be nullified. This means that the Pope has the right to be disobedient to the ruler who betrays the Church and his proper duty. There is no well worked-out theory of resistance, which determines which ruler is a tyrant and which is a true king. But certainly the right of revolution is not rejected, is rather required of him who would follow the way of righteousness. Cf. Nicholas to the Emperor Michael, Sept. 28, 865 (MGH, VI, 484Google Scholar, No. 88): “Nolite nobis minas praetendere, quoniam nee illas Domino protegente metuimus nec per has praecepta vestra, nisi divinis fuerint iussis ornata, faciemus.”
38 Nicholas to Charles the Bald, ca. Apr. 28, 863 (MGH, VI, 369 ff., No. 60).Google Scholar
39 Ibid., 371. This may be a reference to the part played by the popes in the rise of the Carolingians to royal and imperial power.
40 Nicholas to the West Frankish bishops, 865 in. (MGH, VI, 305, No. 34).Google Scholar
41 865 (MGH., VI, 641Google Scholar, No. 123): “Quamquam, etsi tale quid accidisset, idem ipse fuerat in recuperatione forma penitus imitabilis, beatus scilieit, Petrus apostolorum princeps, qui Malchi corporali abscissa gladio aure inoboedientiam et in Anania et Saphira spiritali verbi mucrone mendacium et avaritiam perculit.”