1. See, inter alia, Annales Bertiniani for the years 840 and 847, ed. Waitz, G. in Sciptores Rerum Germanicarum in Usum Scholarum (Hanover: Hahn, 1883) pp. 17f., 34 f.Google Scholar; Amulo, , Epistola Liber Contra Judaeos, 42Google Scholar, in Migne's, AbbéPatrologia Cursus Completus: Series Latina (hereinafter: PL), cxvi,Google Scholar 171BC.

2. Cf. the pertinent remarks by Katz, S., The Jews in the Visigothic and Frankish Kingdoms of Spain and Gaul (Cambridge, Mass.: Mediaeval Academy of America, 1937), p. 46.Google Scholar

3. This is apparent in the description of Eleazar as a military agitator; cf. the year 847 in the Annales Bertiniani (see Note 1 above); see also Notes 63 and 64 below.

4. Epistolae XIV-XX. Albarus gives the 840 for the controversy in Epistola XVI, 1. In order to expedite further annotation, I append a statement concerning Albarus's works and where they may be found; hereinafter I shall refer to the particular work only, not to the edition. I shall here locate them in Migna, PL, whoreprinted them from Florez, Henrique, Espanña Sagrada, X, XI (Madrid: Antonio Marin 1753).Google Scholar

(a) Numbered letters: I (to John of Seville), PL, cxxi, 411D-418B; II (to John), Ibid., 418B-420A; IV (to John), Ibid., 427B-448D; VII (to John), Ibid., 448D-457D; VII (to Abbot Speraindeo), Ibid., 461B-462B; IX (to physician Romanus), Ibid., 464B-467C; XI (to Bishop Saul), Ibid., 473C-474C; XIII (to Saul), Ibid., 476F-478C; XIV (to Eleazar), Ibid., 478C-483B; XVI (to Eleazar), Ibid., 483C-491B; XVIII (to Eleazar), Ibid., 492B-512D; and XX (to Eleazar), Ibid., 513A-514A. The numbers omitted are letters to Albarus, not by him although preserved among his works: III (John of Seville to Albarus), PL, cxxi, 420A-427B; VI (John to Albarus), Ibid., 458A- 461A; VIII (Speraindeo to Albarus), Ibid., 462B-464B; X (Saul to another bishop), Ibid., 467C-473B; XII (Saul to Albarus), Ibid., 474D-476A; XV (Eleazar to Albarus, a fragment), Ibid., 4–3 BC: XVII (Eleazar to Albarus, a fragment), Ibid., 491B-492A; and XIX (Eleazer to Albarus, a fragment), Ibid., 512D-513A. Albarus's Epistolae XIV, XVI, XVIII, and XX, belong to the year 840; I, II, IV, V, and VII, ca. 850: IX, XI, XIII, ca. 861/2.

(b) Unnumbered letters: (1) Albarus to Eulogius, “Repniorasti, mi domine,” PL, cxv, 734B-736B, in reply to Eulogins's letter, “Ohm, ml frater” (see below); (2) Albarus to Eulogius, “Luminosunt vestri operis documenturn,” PL, cxv, 819C–820D,Google Scholar in reply to Eulogius's letter, “Semper, mi frater” (see below). These two letters belong to 851, respectively near the middle and near the end of the year.

(c) Poems—these are cited from the edition by Traube, L., Monumenta Germaniae Historica: Poetae Latirei Aevi Carolini, III (Berlin: Weidmann, 1896)Google Scholar: (1) Carmen philomelae (fragmentary), pp. 126 f.; (2) Aliud pinemelaicum carmen (fragmentary), pp. 127 f.; (3) Disticha de gallo, p. 128 f.; (4) Versus alii, pp. 128 f.; (5) Versus laudis eel precis, p. 129; (6) Item versus, p. 130 f.; (7) Versus ephemerides aegritudinis propriae, pp. 130 f.; (8) Lamentum metricum proprium, pp. 131 f.; (9) Versus in bibliteca Leovigildi, pp. 132–136; (10) Versus in crucis laudem, pp. 137 f.; (11) Versus heroici in laudem beati Hieronymi, pp. 138 f.; (12) Hymnus in diem, sancti Eulogii (an acrostic, “Albarus te rogat sa[1]ves”), pp. 139–141; (13) Epitaphium s. Eulogii, pp. 141 f.; and (14) Oratio Albari, p. 142. The poems may be dated only in a general way probably ca. 855–862.

(d) Indiculus luminosus, PL, cxxi, 513B-556B. A. D. 854.

(e) E'ulogii, Vita vel passio s., PL, cxv, 705C–720C.Google Scholar Ca. 860.

(f) Confessio, PL, cxxi, 397C-412C. Ca. 861/2. Since I shall cite the works of Eulogius frequently, it will be appropriate also to present them here (as listed by Florez, op. cit., X, pp. 431–452). Hereafter I shall refer to the particular work without mentioning the edition. – 1, Memoriale sanetorurm, Book I and first six chapters of Book II (PL, cxv, 731D-774B; since all of his works are in this same volume of PL, only the columns will be indicated), written between 6 and 11, 851; 2, letter to Albarus, “Olim, mi frater,” transmitting the copy of Memoriale sanctorum (731D-734A); 3, Documenturm martyrii (819A–834D), end of 10, 851; 4, letter to Albarus, “Semper, mi frater,” transmitting Documentum martyrii (819A-C); 5, letter to Bishop Wiliesind of Pampeluna (845A- 852B), dated 11 15, 851; 6, letter to Albarus, “Magnificavit,” giving notice of martyrdom of Flora and Maria (841, D-844C), 12, 851; 7, letter to Baldegotho, sister of Flora, concerning the death of Flora (844C-845A), 12, 851; 9, Memoriale sanotorum, Books II, 7-III (774B-818C), dated 856; and 9, Apologeticus martyrum (851C-870A), 857. Eulogius, Dc vita et passione 83.virginuin Florae et Mariae, which is lc be considered as chapter 8 of Mcmoriale sanctorum, Book III, is print. ed separately in PL, cxv, 835A-842C. His poems, hymns, and book on prosody are not extant. In spite of the lapse of years, Florez, op. cit., XI, pp. 10–61, probably remains as complete a general account of the life and works of Albarus as we have. On special aspects of his life one may profitably consult Kayserling's, M. fragment, “Eleasar und Alvaro,” Monatsschrift für Geschichte und Wissenschaft des Judenthums, IX, (1860), pp. 241–251Google Scholar; von Baudissin, W. W. F., Eulogius und Alvar: Ein Abschnitt spanischer Kirchengeschichte aus der, Zeit der Maurenherrechaft (Leipzig: Grunow, 1872)Google Scholar, with good bibliography on pp. 205–207; and de Urbel, J. Perez, San Eulogio de Córdoba, 2nd ed. (Madrid: Ediciones Fax, 1942)Google Scholar, a delightful, sympathetic, well-written reconstruction, but one which must be read with discrimination (the 1st ed. appeared in 1928). The latest, and in many ways the best, discussion is Sage, C. M., Paul Albar of Cordoba: Studies on His Life and Writings (The catholic University of America Studies in Mediaeval History, New Series, V; Washington, D. C., 1943)Google Scholar, a Ph. D. disertation. The narrative portion, Part I, pp. 1–42, is a well-written, well-documented summary, which, however, adds little to Floiez's treatment. Part II, pp. 43–81, dealing with the correspondence between Albarus and John cf Seville, traces the sources of Albarus's citations, but is mainly a philosophical and theological analysis and exposition of the doctrines mentioned in those letters. Part III, pp. 83–183, by far the longest section, is concerned with the literary tradition, nature, and sources of the type of writing called a confessio, and with the sources and style of the particular Confessio of Albarus. Part IV, pp. 185–214, is an excellent translation of Albarus's Vita s. Eulogii. The remainder of the volume contains a formal conclusion and three appendices (“The Manuscripts of Albar,” “Editions of Albar's Work,” and a brief mention of the Liber scintillarum, falsely attributed to Albarus). Parts II, III, and IV, therefore, are the typical Ph. D. thesis, perhaps better written than most, but essentially a compilation. Father Sage limits his discussion to the Vita s. Eulogii, the Confessio, and the conrespondence with John of Seville, but for these he virtually lays the groundwork for a new edition.

5. Annales Bertiniani for the year 847 (see Note 1 above); Eulogius, Mimpriale sanctorum, III, 4. Neck, A. P.. says of his own excellent study, Con-versson (Oxford University Press, 1933), p. 269:Google Scholar “This is one chapter in the history of conversion. There are many more—the extension of Christianity to the natives of Britain and Germany and Scandinavia, the rise of Islam, the extension of sects in the Middle Ages, the choice of individuals during the Reformation and the Counter-Reformation, the phenomena of modern revivalism, and the rise and expansion of Buddhism.” An exposition of affairs in ninth-century Spain could very well constitute another important chapter in “the history of conversion.”

6. The principals were Elipandus and Felix on the Adoptionist side, Alcuin and Agobard on the orthodox side. In addition to their works, consult Gams, P. B., Die Kirchengeschichte von Spanien, Zweiter Band, Zweiter Abteilung (Regensburg: G. J. Manz, 1874), pp. 299–338;Google ScholarPelayo, M. Menendezy, Historia de los Heterodoxos Españoles, II (Buenos Aires: Libreria Perlado, 1945), Pp. 7–28;Google Scholar Baudissin, op. cit., pp. 61–70.

7. See the works of Gams and Menendez y Pelayo cited in the preceding Note. Samson, Apologeticus (Florez, op. cit., XI, pp. 325–516), deals at length with the struggle over this heresy.

8. For example, Elipandus, Saul, Reccafred, and Hostigesis were bishops.

9. Observe Albarus's sharp comments on Saul'sappointment, Bishop, Epistola XIII, 3Google Scholar: “Recolite obseero consecrationis vestrae non inculpata principia…”and his testimony that the consecration of Eulogius as the canonically elected bishop of Toledo was prevented by the government, Vita s. Eulogii, III, 10; Samson, , Apolageticus, II, praefatio, 2Google Scholar, concerning Bishop Hostegesis, 8, concerning Bishop Samuel (Florez, op. cit., XI, pp. 377, 384).

10. Dozy, R., Histoire des Musulmans d'Espagne, new ed. rev, by Lévi-Provençal, E., I (Leyden: E. J. Brill, 1932), pp. 317–362Google Scholar, gives a skillful summary which is still a basic study; it should, however, be supplemented by Lévi-Provençal, E., Histoire de l'Espagne Muslmane, I (Cairo: L'Institut Français d'Archéologie Orientale, 1944), pp. 158–167, 196–204.Google Scholar See Albarus, , Iidiculus luminosus, 3, 35;Google ScholarSamson, , Apologetious, IIGoogle Scholar, praefatio, 2, 6 (Florez, op. cit., XI, pp. 378 f., 381 f.); Eulogius, , Memoriale sanctorum, III, 5.Google Scholar

11. Cf.Eulogius, (to Wiliesind), Epistota. 9Google Scholar: “ego Cordubae positus sub impio Arabum gemam imperio, vos autem Pampilona beati, Christieolae principis tueri meremini dominio, qui semper inter se utrique gravi conflictu certantes, liberum commeantibus transitum negent…”

12. Correct information lay at the fingertips of the Spanish Christians, but they made use of tendentiously distorted accounts; see, for example, Eulogius, , Apologetious martyrum, 15 f.Google Scholar; (John, to Albarus, ) Epistola VI, 9Google Scholar; Albarus, , Indiculus luminosus, 23.Google Scholar

13. Albarus, , Indiculus luminosus, 6,Google Scholar “lapidibus, sacerdotes Domini impetentes;” Eulogius, , Memoriale sanctorum, I, 21Google Scholar; Leovigild, De habitu clericorum (Florez, op. cit., XI, pp. 522 f.).

14. Eulogius, , Memoriale sanctorum, III, 5 f.Google Scholar; Albarus, , Vita s. Eulogii, II, 4Google Scholar; Epistola XIII, 4.

15. Eulogius, , Memoriale sanctorum, I, 7Google Scholar; Apologeticus martyrum, 6; Albarus, , Indiculus luminosus, 2 f.Google Scholar

16. Eulogius, , Memoriale sanctorum, IIGoogle Scholar, describes twenty-nine, Book III, seventeen, a total of forty-six contemporary martyrdoms (observe that no prelates suffered); Albarus, Vita s. Eulogii, adds two more in the persons of Eulogius himself and Leocritia. The eleven deaths, 6 3–6 16, 851, are recorded by Eulogius, op. cit., II, 2–6.

17. Albarus, , Epistolae IX, 3Google Scholar f. (lands, his own and his father's); (John to Albarus) III, 9 (mentions relatives “tritici multitudine locupletes”); IX, i f. (Romanus's respect for Albarus's parents); both Speraindeo and Eulogius use of Albarus such terms as “serenitas vestra” and “serenissime,” Levi-Provençal, op. cit., I, p. 164, calls Albarus “a wealthy bourgeois.”

18. Albarus, Vita s. Eulogi, praefatio, and I. Eulogius also speaks respectfully of him inMemoriale sanctorum, I, 7, and De vita et passione ss. virginuim Florae et Mariae, 11,. Note that abbot's name: the Puritans did not have a monopoly on such combinations. One of the martyrs was named “Servio-Deo.” I wonder if we might not call the Abbot “Hope-in-God.”

19. Epistola VII, passim.

20. Paraphrased from (Speraindeo to Abarus) Epistola VIII, 1.

21. Vitas, . Eulogii, I, 2.Google Scholar Hebrew words appear in Epistolae XVI, 1, 3Google Scholar; XVIII, 8 (but cf. Epistola XVI, 4)Google Scholar; Greek words, in Epistola IV, 1; and Arabic words, in Indiculus luminosus, 23, 25 28—all, of course, in Latin letters.

22. Vita s. Eulogii, I, 2Google Scholar; III, 9; cf. Eulogius (to Wiliesind), Epistola, 1–3. Perez de Urbel, op. cit., p. 90, n. 1, makes a good argument for the year 845, but the prevailing opinion favors 848, for Eulogius's journey to Pampeluna; cf. Baudissin, op. oit., pp. 92, 98.

23. Vita s. Eulogii, II, 4Google Scholar; (John to Albania) Epistola VI, 10.

24. Vita s. Eulogii, II, 4.Google Scholar

25. Albarus's very famous invective appears in Indiculus luminosus, 35. (My use of the word “romances” or “novels” is based on the emendation of fabellis mile suis to fabellis Milesiis proposed by Dozy, op. cit., I, p. 317, n. 5.) To illustrate Albarus's use of the “Chaldean” style which he criticizes, I submit the following brief selections: (a) Indiculus luminosus, prologus: “… qui es via sine errore credentium, vita sine snorte viventium, requies sine […] fruentium…” “… neque per devia et abrupta, per mania et caduca, per tumida et stulta, per dedecora et elata, per levia et infiata…” (b) Indiculus tuminosus, 6: “Et non solum mente jucunda, acceptione serena, respectione modesta, venena recipimus, potiones libamus, germina lethifera praegustamus…”(c) Confessio, 1: “In quo iniquitas non est, in quo summa […] est, in qu clementia magna est: Deus qui auctor es luminis, fiuvius pietatis; dulcis es te firmo corde credenti: caecorum oculus, deblium animus, infirinantium verissima salus; pes claudorum, lingua mutorum, fortitudo omnium saeculorum.”

26. See the list of authors with whom Albarus was acquainted assembled by Manitius, M., Geschichte der Latenisehen Literatur des Mittelalters, I (Munich: Beck, 1911), pp. 422–426Google Scholar; de Ghellinek, J., Littérature Latine su Moyen Age depuis les Origines jusqu 'à la Fin de la Renaissance Carolingienne (Paris: Bloud et Gay, 1939), p. 131Google Scholar; Perez de Urbel, op. cit., pp. 113–118; and, briefly, Baudissin, op. cit., pp. 209 f. Cf.Sage, op. cit., p. 217.

27. See Epistola IV, 6–9, 15.Google Scholar More remarkable are his severe strictures on the Classics, Epistolae IV, 10, 19, and V, 4 (well-known passages); also XIV, 2. See Note 26 immediately above and especially Albarus's extant poetry for the debt to Latinity.

28. (John to Albarus) Epistolae III, VI; Eulogius, letters to Albarus, “Ohm, ini frater” and “Semper, mi frater.”

29. Both John and Albarus refer to their “common father, Lord (or, Sir) John,” and each sends greetings to the other's wife (Epistolae II, 3Google Scholar; III, 9); hence the presumption that their wives were sisters. For John as a professor of rhetoric, Albarus calls him “Romanae dialecticae caput” (Epistola IV, 3)Google Scholar and refers to his students (“vestri not, potrueunt scire grammatici,” Epistole V, 4).Google Scholar

30. Albarus, , Vita s. Eulogii, I, 2Google Scholar, and III, 10. Eulogius (to Wiliesind), Epistola, 8, states that his youngest brother, Joseph, had been dismissed about 850 from his governmental position. Albarus, , Vita s. Eulogii, IV, 13,Google Scholar mentions Anulo, the sister of Eulogius, as a “virgin dedicated to God.”

31. Vita s. Eulogii, VI, 18Google Scholar (quoting Eulogius).

32. Ibid., I, 2; VI, 19. The famous Horntian allusion employed by Albarus itself echoes a statement made three centuries before Horace in the Antidosis of Isocrates (353 B. C.) and was thus twelve hundred years old when Albarus used it; see Misch, Georg, A History of Autobiography in Antiquity, Eng. trans. Dickes, E. W. (London: Routledge and Kegan Paul, 1950), I, p. 159 and note.Google Scholar

33. Vita s. Eulogii, I, 3.

34. Note the strange, quasi-romantic relationship between Eulogius and the half Spanish, half Moorish martyr-maiden Flora; see his Epistolae to Baldegotho and to Albarus (“Magnificavit”); his De vita et passione ss. virginum Florae et Mariae and Documentum martyrii, especially 20–22 (a very tender passage). Cf. the similar relationship with another maid destined for martyrdom, Leocritia, who seems to have reminded Eulogius of Flora; Albarus, , Vita s. Eulogii IV, V.Google Scholar See the rather charming, semi-fictionalized account based on these references in Bertrand, L. and Petrie, C., The History of Spain (New York: Appleton-Century, 1934), pp. 102–115Google Scholar, particularly pp. 113 f. Cf. also Perez le Urbel, op. cit., pp. 158–174.

35. Albarus, , Epistola V, 2Google Scholar: “frater, imo aetate pater…rdquo;

36. Ibid., II, 3: “Opto per te decorem domus vestrae salutare…“ Ibid.: “Patrem nostrum communem dom[in]um Joannem salutari exspecto, omnemque cognationem nostrum vice nostra osculato.”

37. (John, to Albarus, ) Epistolae III, 9Google Scholar: “Salutare praesumo per os vestrum omnem decorem domus vestrae;” VI, 10: “salutamus omnem pulchritudinem domus vestrae.” Ibid., III, 9: “Salutat vos Domna Froisinda cum filiis suis …;” VI, 10: “Merear vultum vestrum hilarem citius intuere…

38. Ibid., III, 9: “De trium vero ancillaruin vestrarum migratione ex ore patria communis audivi integre: ‘Nolite contristan.…’” See next Note.

39. Episola IV, 36Google Scholar: “Secundum epistolam vestram tristes et pene ad infernos usque dimersos accepimus, et vel quantulumcumque in doloribus solasnen ex amici scripta nos habuisse cognovimus.” This Note and the preceding one taken together make strong the presumption that the word ancilla is here used to mean daughter. See Baudissin, op. cit., p. 49.

40. Cf. Epistolae I–VI, passim.

41. Cf. Epistola V, 1 f.

42. Epistola II, 3Google Scholar; (John to Albarus) III, 9.

43. (John, to Albarus, ) Epistola VI, 8–10.Google Scholar

44. See, for instance, Kayserling, op. cit., passim, and Williams, A. Lukyn, Adversus Judaeos (Cambridge University Press, 1935)Google Scholar, passim, but pp. 224–227 deal specifically with Albarus and Eleazar.

45. Epistola XIV, 7Google Scholar: “natura non fide frater…”

46. The following consider Albarus himself a convert from Judaism to Christianity: (Gams, op. cit., p. 317, n. 2; de Ghellinck, op. cit., pp. 131 f.; Katz, op. cit., pp. 27, 40 f., 46 (but Katz also dignifies Albarus with the rank of bishop of Cordova—surely a slip of the pent!); Newman, L. I., Jewish Influence on Christian Reform Movements (Columbia University Oriental Studies XXIII; New York: Columbia University Press, 1925), p. 401.Google Scholar Others say only that Albarus was of Jewish ancestry: Baudissin, op. cit., p. 43; Florez, op. cit., XI, pp. 11–14 (a long and strained argument attempting to prove from first and second century records that a Christian Jew of the ninth century would be quite certain of his genealogy!); Kayserling, op. cit., p. 246; Levi-Provençal, op. cit., I, p. 164; Manitius, op. cit., I, pp. 421, 423; Menendez y Pelayo, op. cit., p. 10; Traube, op. cit., (the introduction to his edition of Albarus's poems), p. 122; Lukyn Williams, op. cit., p. 224. Waddell, Helen, The Wandering Scholars, 3rd ed., reprinted (New York: Houghton Mifflin, 1929), p. 69Google Scholar, calls him “the Jew of Cordova.” Villada, Z. G., Historia Eclésiastica de Espanña, III (Madrid: Editorial “Razon y Fe,” S. A., 1936), p. 108Google Scholar, cuts the Gordian knot by asserting that Albarus was of mixed Jewish and Visigothic blood; Perez de Urbel, op. cit., p. 46, agrees. Laistner, M. L. W., Thought and Letters in Western Europe A. D. 500 to 900 (London: Methuen, 1931), pp. 167 f.Google Scholar, passes over the problem since it is not pertinent to his discussion. Sage, op. cit., pp. 3 f., suspends judgment.

47. Epistola XVIII, 4Google Scholar: “Et ideo non nos gentes dicimus esse, sed Israel, quia ex ipsa stirpe Israelitica orti parentes olim fuerunt nostri.” Both Kayserling, op. cit., passim, and Baudissin, op. cit., pp. 77–83, give good summaries of the Albarus-Eleazar affair.

48. Epistola XVIII, 5Google Scholar. But cf. his Cofessio, 4; “Sic et Abraham, pater utique gentium…”

49. Epistola XX.

50. Vita s. Eulogii, praefatio, 1; I, 2.Google Scholar

51. Indiculus luminosus, prologus.

52. Epistola IX, 2.Google Scholar

53. See Note 45 above.

54. Such Biblical passages as Rom. 2:28 f.; 9:6–8; 11:1; II Cor. 11:22; Gal. 3:7, 29; 6:16. Of course, Saint Paul was a Jew by birth, but he is making points in favor of the Gentiles.

55. Consult Lukyn Williams, op. cit., passim, an excellent résumé of “Christian Apologiae until the Renaissance.” See also Simon, M., Verus Israel (Paris: B. de Boccard, 1948)Google Scholar, passim, especially pp. 100–111, 203–207. Note the strictures on Simon's book by Brandon, S. G. F., The Fall of Jerusalem and the Christian Church (London:Google Scholar Society for the Propagation of Christian Knowledge, 1951), p. 14. An unreal, purely literary quality is evident in all of Albarus's argumentation with Eleazar. He prefers to cite from the Septuagint or Jerome, rather than from Aquila's version or Theodotions or others, or from the Hebrew text. He also employs references from the so-called Apocryphal books, but Eleazar presumably raised no objection to that. It is interesting, although not in this connection, to find that Albarus knew something about the “letter” of Christ to King Abgarus; see Epistola II, 1.

56. Epistola XVI, 4:Google Scholar “quia scis nos ignaros linguae Hebraeae…” Kayserling, op. cit., p. 248, n. 1, directs attention to Albarus's feeble knowledge of Hebrew. See Note 21 above for use of Hebrew words.

57. Epistola IX, 4:Google Scholar “Volui universum illum locum mihi redimere, et inquietudinem Romanorum fugiens, ipsum quem nostis principem malui inquirere… Et ereberunt rapinae, et privilegia Romanorum, qui transilientes limites agrorum nostrorum, universum minitabant in vadere locum.”

58. Even in the eighteenth century Florez felt that it was necessary to present an elaborate defense of the sanctity and true martyrdom of those who suffered during the Saracenic persecution; see Florez, op. cit., X, pp. 340–351. Similarly Sage, op. cit., pp. 25–27, for the twentieth century.

59. Indiculus luminosus, passim.

60. Paraphrased from Ibid., 14. Albarus gives the year of the treatise in Ibid., 21. Fortunately both Albarus and Eulogius generally date their works. Summary of Indiculus luminosus in Baudissin, op. cit., pp. 134–142.

61. Eulogius, letter “Semper, mi frater” (to Albarus): “ex eo die quo me serenitas vestra praemonuit ne a gloriftcatione militum Christi desisterem…”

62. Consult especially Dozy, op. cit., I, pp. 317–362.

63. See Annales Bertiniani for years 847, 852, 858, 863. Frankish interest in these martyrdoms is evident from the reference noted in connection with the year 859, when the mairtyrologist, Usuard of Saint-Gerimain, went to Cordova and secured the relies of Saints George, Aurelius, and Nathalia (Sabigotho) who had beea killed only six years before. The contemporary official account of the translation of the bodies and the accompanying miracles, by a monk of Saint-Germain, is printed in Florez, op. cit., X, pp. 513–543. Most of these Spanish saints are also accorded a place in Usuard's martyrology (PL, cxxiii, 599A–988C; cxxiv, 9A–858A).Google Scholar Undoubtedly there is a double interest here, political as well as religious. Cf. Baudissin, op. cit., pp. 88–97, 147–152.

64. In Epistola XVI, 2Google Scholar, Albarus states that Eleazar had boasted that, while he was still a Christian cleric at the Frankish court, he had often had illicit relations with various women in the actual churches or chapels. And in Epistola XVIII, 14Google Scholar, he says that Eleazar had also told him that he had known persons in the palace-household holding as many as fourteen different religious beliefs (“quatuordecim viros inter se ipsos cultu thversos”). All this is probably an echo of the slightly earlier Franitish gossip about the court of Louis the Pious; see, for instance, Radbertus, Paschasius, Epitaphium Arsenii sen Vita vcnerabilis Walae, II, 8, 9, 12Google Scholar (the palace a brothel where sorcery was practiced; PL, cxx, 1616A–1621C, 1628C–1629A);Google Scholar Agobard, “Manifesto,” 1–6 (sordid filth, evil factions, and cuckoldry at court; PL, civ, 307C–315B)Google Scholar; Anonyini Vita Hiudowici Pii for the years 829 and 830 (Count Bernard of Barcelona, the imperial chamberlain, a source of discord and strife; PL, civ, 958D-959B).

65. Consult not only the works of Albarus, Eulogius, and Samson, but also the summary in Hefele, C. J., Histoire des Conciles, trans. Leclercq, H. from 2ndGerman, ed. (Paris: Letouzey et Ané, 1911), IV, pp. 189 f.Google Scholar

66. For example, in Abbot Samson (d. 890), Apologeticus (Florez, op. cit., XI, pp. 325–516), we find that the issue of rigorism vs laxity was by his time almost entirely an internal problem of the church, not an external condition relating also to the Moorish government. For the aftermath, see Baudissin. op. cit., pp. 175–201.

67. See the interesting essay by Raby, F. J. B., “Phiomena praevia temporis amoeni,” Mélanges Joseph de Ghellinck (Museum Lessianunz—Section Historique, No. 14; Gembloux: Editions J. Dueulot, S. A., 1951), II, pp. 435–436.Google Scholar

68. In Poem 7, on his illness, Albarus thanks God for bringing him back from the threshold of death, and in Epistolae IX, 3, XI, 1, he mentions having received the sacraments in peril of death.

69. Epistola IX, 3–5.Google Scholar

70. Epistola XI. Albarus's deep and devout longing for the Eucharist—“the saving medicine of Communion” and “the marriage-feast of the Lamb,” as he calls it—is especially revealed by a clause near the end of this letter, “quia tanto tempore a corpore Dei mei et sanguinis privatus stare non valeo.”

71. Epistola XIII, 3Google Scholar: “si quadringenti solidi non fuissent palam eunuchis vel allis exoluti, imo non clam, sed per chirographa Arabica ex ecclesiae prospera … erogati.…”

72. Ibid.

73. Epistola XI, 3.Google Scholar

74. (Saul, ) Epistola XII, 2.Google Scholar

75. Epistola XIII, passim. Perez de Urbel, op. cit., p. 249, writes of Albarns as “an unquiet spirit but lovable in his very inquietude.” Baudissin, op. cit., pp. 50 f., writing of his “restless nature,” attributes it to the Jewish blood; similarly, de Ghellinck, op. cit., p. 132. Perez de Urbel, op. cit., p. 214, n. 4, dates the entire controversy between Saul and Albarus as from 854 to 857, instead of the usual date after 860; cf. Baudissin, op. cit., pp. 159–171.

76. The Confessio is written in a rather beautiful rhythmical prose heavily laden with phrases from the liturgy, especially the Mass, in which the discursive quality of the Mozarabic rite is quite evident. See the lines quoted in Note 25 above.

77. Confessio, 4. His use of the word “Sabbath” in this way has a curiously interesting overtone.

78. Albarus, Eulogius, and Samson are important witnesses for the state of language and culture in mid-ninth century Mozarabic Spain; see, in addition to the works already cited, Pidal, B. Mendndez, Origenes del Espanñol: Estado Lingüistico de la Peninsula Ibérica hasta el Siglo XI, 2nd ed. rev. and enlarged (Madrid: Imprenta de Ia Librería y Casa Editorial Hernando, 1929), I, pp. 434–438Google Scholar (there is a 3rd ed., 1950, Vol. VIII of his complete works, but it was not available to me).

79. Cf. Baudissia, op. cit., p. 53.