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“The Naked Truth”: A Plea for Church Unity

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  28 July 2009

Ethyn Williams Kirby
Affiliation:
Providence, R. I

Extract

In 1676 an anonymous tract made its appearance on the London bookstalls. The title, The Naked Truth: Or, The True State of the Primitive Church, was calculated to appeal to the theologically minded reader, which at that time meant most laymen as well as clergymen. If by posterity the tract has been remembered—when it has been remembered at all —as having inspired Andrew Marvell to create the memorable figure of Mr. Smirke, to its contemporaries it was one of the major events, both from a literary and from a politico-religious standpoint, of its year.

Type
Research Article
Copyright
Copyright © American Society of Church History 1938

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References

1 Athenae Oxonienses (London, 1820), part I of Vol. IV, pp. 309311.Google Scholar

2 Such bishops as those of Norwich and of London (who instructed Kidder to administer the sacrament even to those who would not kneel, Sykes, Norman, Church and State in England in the Eighteenth Century (Cambridge, 1934), p. 4)Google Scholar definite ly adopted a conciliatory attitude toward those who had scruples about ceremonial matters. See Matthews, A. G., Calamy Revised (Oxford, 1934)Google Scholar, for other instances of moderation, pp. 129, 253, 416, 438, 475, 483; and Kennett, White, Register Ecclesiastical and Civil (London, 1724), 804805, 814.Google Scholar

3 Penn, William in England's Present Interest Considered (London, 1675)Google Scholar, attacked the idea of comprehension; with his usual astuteness he omitted any mention of what its effect would be on Quakerism, but devoted himself to elucidating the differences between Presbyterians and Anglicans which he declared would be increased, not decreased, by such a scheme.

4 Baxter, Richard's Autobiography (London, 1696)Google Scholar contains the most details about these efforts to work out a compromise; the account by John Birch in his life of Tillotson (in vol. I of Tillotson, 's Works, London, 1820)Google Scholar is evidently taken from Baxter's story. Stillingfleet, 's Irenicum (London, 1661)Google Scholar is undoubtedly the classic statement of the attitude of the moderate party in the Anglican church.

5 The pamphlet has been reprinted in Somers, Tracts (London, 3812), VII, 268ff.Google Scholar

6 Although this is an interesting parallel to the rite of ehrismation in. the Orthodox Church, which may be administered by the priest, clearly Bishop Croft was influenced by Geneva, not Byzantium.

7 Baxter, 's Cure of Church Divisions (London, 1670)Google Scholar, Defence of the Principles of Love (London, 1671)Google Scholar, and The Petition for Peace and the Reformation of the Liturgy (London, 1661)Google Scholar had as their thesis the need for making the Anglican church Puritan in liturgy and government. Corbet, John, Interest of England in the Matters of Religion (London, 1660)Google Scholar and Discourse of the Religion of England (London, 1667)Google Scholar sought to reduce to a minimum the points of difference between Anglican and nonconformist by emphasizing the fundamentals of the Christian faith.

8 Marvell, Andrew, Mr. Smirke: Or the Dwine in Mode (Works, London. 1875). IV. 1920.Google Scholar

9 Hist. MSS. Comm. Reports, Appendix 9, House of Lords Calendar, 77–78.

10 Kitchin, George, Roger L'Estrange (London, 1913), 199n.Google Scholar

11 Wood, , op. cit., IV, 312.Google Scholar

12 Stoughton, John, The Church of the Restoration (London, 1870), I, 499.Google Scholar

13 Burnet, Gilbert, A Modest Survey … (London, 1676), 1.Google Scholar

14 Marvell, , op. cit., IV, 1011.Google Scholar

15 Evelyn, John, Diary and Correspondence, entry for 20 02, 1676.Google Scholar The text Evelyn gives, St. John 20, vv. 21, 22, 23, seems rather inappropriate for such a sermon as that reported to have been preached.

16 Wood, , op. cit., IV, 313.Google Scholar

17 Marvell, , op. cit., IV, 61.Google Scholar

18 Whiting, C. E., Studies in English Puritanism … 1660–1688 (New York, 1931), 517.Google ScholarClarke, T. E. S. and Foxcroft, H. C., in their Life of Gifbert Burnet (Cambridge, 1907), 140147Google Scholar, accept Burnet's authorship. Wood declared that he saw it included in Burnet's works in a publisher's list.

19 Anthony Wood's story, quoted from Hickes, ' Discourses on Dr. Burnet ana Dr. Tillotson (op. cit., IV, 314n)Google Scholar, that Burnet having conferred with Dr. Gunning, proceeded to steal his thunder, seems unlikely. Certainly Burnet would not have spoken of himself as urged to answer Croft (almost as if against his will) had he indulged in such unethical conduct.

20 Hatton Correspondence (2 vols. Caniden Society Publications, 1878), I, 125, 127.Google Scholar

21 Marvell, , Poems and Letters (Oxford, 1927), 323.Google Scholar

22 Hatton, Christopher, on 05 23, 1676Google Scholar, expressed anger that Marvell had called Turner, “Chaplain to Sr. Fopling Busy.” Button Correspondence, I, 128.Google Scholar

23 The reference to the “great gun” is a play on Bishop Gunning's name and the picture of the cannon which decorated the title page of tracts published by Brome, whose shop was at the Sign of the Gun.

24 Marvell, , Works, II, 489491.Google Scholar