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Matthaeus Judex's Condemnation of Princely Censorship of Theologians' Publications

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  28 July 2009

Robert Kolb
Robert Kolb
Affiliation:
Mr. Kolb is associate professor of religion and history in Concordia College, Saint Paul, Minnesota.
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Extract

Just as God condemns and curses the Roman Antichrist,

so without any doubt at all he also curses the new Caesaropapacy … in which governmental officials station themselves in God's temple and puff themselves up against God and the church … as they compose and promulgate new decrees contrary to what Christ has ordained for his ministry, and then decide to subject [Christ's ministers] to the punishment of exile and condemnation.

Type
Research Article
Information
Church History , Volume 50 , Issue 4 , December 1981 , pp. 401 - 414
Copyright
Copyright © American Society of Church History 1981

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References

1. Judex, Matthaeus, De typographiae inventione et de praelorum legitima inspectione, libellus brevis et utilis (Copenhagen, 1566), p. 54.Google Scholar An excellent introductory overview of Judex's life, from one specific point of concern, can be found in Diener, Ronald Ernst, “The Magdeburg Centuries: A Bibliothecal and Historiographical Analysis,” (Th.D. diss., Harvard University, 1978), pp. 9–12, 206–257.Google Scholar

2. This study grows out of research conducted at the Herzog August Bibliothek, Wolfenbüttel, Federal Republic of Germany, in the summer of 1979, made possible through a Gaststipendium awarded by the Bibliothek. I am also grateful to Robert M. Kingdon for helpful suggestions which have improved this essay.

3. On these two parties, see Kolb, Robert, “Dynamics of Party Conflict in the Saxon Late Reformation: Gnesio-Lutherans vs. Philippists,” The Journal of Modern History 49 (1977): D1289–1305.CrossRefGoogle Scholar In this article I argue that the Philippists were more conservative (1) because their theological anthropology tended in a more medieval direction while the GnesioLutherans expressed their understanding of the human role in salvation in language that was radically theocentric and similar to Luther's; (2) because the Philippists tended to be more appreciative of medieval usages, customs, and polity than the Gnesio-Lutherans; (3) because the Philippists were inclined to submit their ecclesiastical decisions and activities to governmental authorities while the Gnesio-Lutherans frequently suffered exile because they, like Judex in this instance, objected to governmental interference in ecclesiastical affairs; and (4) because the Philippists avoided public controversy while the Gnesio-Lutherans disputed publicly not only with Philippists, Roman Catholics, Calvinists, and others, but also among themselves.

4. The best study available is still Beck, August, Johann Friedrich der Mittlere: Herzog zu Sachsen, 2 vols. (Weimar, 1858).Google Scholar

5. Bekentnis, Vnterricht und uermanung der Pfarrhern und Prediger der Christlichen Kirchen zu Magdeoburgk. Anno 1550. Den 13. Aprilis (Magdeburg, 1550);Google Scholar in Latin, , Confessio et apologia pastorum & reliquorum moinistrorum Ecclesiae Magdeburgenszs. Anno 1550. Idibus Aprilis (Magdeburg, 1550).Google Scholar See Olson, Oliver K., “Theology of Revolution: Magdeburg, 1550–1551,” The Sixteenth Century Journal 3 (1972): 56–79;CrossRefGoogle Scholar and Wolgast, Eike, Die Religionsfrage als Problem des Widerstandsrechts im 16. Jahrhundert (Heidelberg, 1980), pp. 25–27.Google Scholar On Luther's distinction of the spiritual and temporal realms and his understanding of vocation, a wealth of material is available. Among others see Gloege, Gerhard, “Politia divina: Die Überwindung des mittelalterlichen Sozialdenkens durch Luthers Lehre von der Obrigkeit,” Wissenschaftliche Zeitschrift der FriedrichSchillet Univerität, Jena/Thüringen, Gesellschafts- und Sprachwissenschaftliche Reihe 6 (1956–1957): 445–460;Google ScholarWingren, Gustaf, Luther on Vocation, trans. Rasmussen, Carl C. (Philadelphia, 1957), especially pp. 23–37, 79–123;Google ScholarAlthaus, Paul, The Ethics of Martin Luther, trans. Schultz, Robert C. (Philadelphia, 1972), especially pp. 36–82, 112–154.Google Scholar

6. On the dispute between Flacius and Strigel, see Kropatscheck, Hans, “Das Problem theologischer Anthropologie auf dem Weimarer Gespräch von 1560 zwischen Matthias Flacius Illyricus and Viktorin Strigel,” (Licentiate diss., University of Gottingen, 1943);Google ScholarPommerien, Albert, Viktorin Strigels Lehre von dem Peccatum Originis (Hannover, 1917);Google Scholar and Preger, Wilhelm, Matthias Flacius Illyricus und seine Zeit, 2d ed., 2 vols. (Erlangen, 1861;Google Scholar reprinted at Hildesheim, 1964, and Nieuwkoop, 1964), 2: 104–133.

7. Salig, Christian August, Vollständige Historie der Augspurgischen Confession …, 3 vols. (Halle, 1733), 3: 579–646;Google Scholar Beck, 1: 322–323; Preger, 2: 135–142.

8. The consistory program was published, Ordenung und summarischer Process des Fürstlichen Sechsischen Conszstorij, Auffgerichtet in dem jar 1561 (Jena, 1561).Google Scholar See Beck, 1: 327–333; Preger, 2: 157–165; Salig, 3: 633–635; Kolb, Robert, Nikolaus von Amsdorf (1483–1565): Popular Polemics in the Preservation of Luther's Legacy (Nieuwkoop, 1978), pp. 211–213.Google Scholar

9. Beck, 1: 379–381; Preger, 2: 157–180; Salig, 3: 845–875.

10. Beck, 1: 375–376. Judex's book was entitled Der Ewigen, Allmechtigen Goettlichenn Mayest. Mandat, und em stitcher Befeich, wes sich em yeder Christ, auss seinem Beruffvnnd stande, gegen dem offenbarten Antichrist, das gantze Babstumb, halten solie (np., 1561). It was dedicated to the officials of the city of Magdeburg, and it may well have been printed there. The book contains an attack on evangelical jurists, courtiers, and officials who doubt that the pope is the Antichrist or who compromise with the papacy.

11. On this dispute, see Salig, 3: 923–946; and Hertel, G., “Zur Geschichte der Heshusianischen Bewegung in Magdeburg,” Geschichtsblätter für Stadt und Land Magdeburg 34 (1899): 72–151.Google Scholar

12. Judex, , De typographiae inventione, pp. 3–11.Google Scholar

13. Ibid., pp. 12–17.

14. Ibid., pp. 19–20.

17. Ibid., pp. 35–4.

18. Ibid., p. 37.

17. Ibid., p. 45.

18. Ibid., pp. 46–47.

19. Preuss, Hans, Die Vorstellungen vom Antichrist im späteren Mittelalter, bei Luther, und der konfessionellen Polemik (Leipzig, 1906), pp. 220–231,Google Scholar discusses this period without reference to Judex's position. He details the Lutheran understanding of the Antichrist on pp. 83–209. See also Asendorf, Ulrich, Eschatologie bei Luther (Göttingen, 1967), pp. 173–187.Google Scholar

20. Judex, , De typographiae inventione, pp. 73–77,Google Scholar is reproduced in German by Bidembach, Felix in his Consiliorum Theologorum Decas VIII. Der achte Theil Theologischer Bedencken Bericht, oder Antwort (Frankfurt, 1612), pp. 121–125.Google Scholar This quotation from Luther is found in his comments on Daniel 12, in Luther, Martin, D. Martin Luthers Werke (Weimar, 1883-),Google ScholarDeutsche Bibel, 12 vols., vol. 11, pt. 2, pp. 120.12–122.5 and 12 1.12–124.4.

21. Judex, , De typographiae inventione, pp. 47–65;Google Scholar Bidembach, pp. 97–110. Three years after Judex's death, John Frederick the Middler was defeated and imprisoned by Emperor Maximilian II for supporting Wilhelm von Grumbach, a knight, in a feud against the bishop of Würzburg. The duke remained imprisoned in Vienna until his death in 1595. See Beck, 1: 404–599. Wigand and others among Judex's comrades may have seen his fate as the working out of God's wrath against their persecutor.

22. Judex, , De typographiae inventione, pp. 65–73;Google Scholar Bidembach, pp. 113–120.

23. Judex, , De typographiae inventione, pp. 77–79.Google Scholar For example, after Magdeburg's surrender to the forces of Elector Moritz, the Magdeburgers' attacks on Moritz's theologian, Georg Major, were published with an imprint showing Basel as the location. Flacius, Matthius, Wider den Evangelisten des heiligen Chorrocks, D. Geitz Maior (Basel, 1552);Google ScholarAmsdorf, Nikolaus von, Ein kurtzer unterricht auff D. Georgen Maiors Antwort (Basel, 1552).Google Scholar Flacius published attacks against the Augsburg Interim under the names of Johann Hermann, Theodor Henetus, and Johann Waremund, in 1548. See Preger's bibliography, 2: 541.

24. Judex, , De typographiae inventione, pp. 79–83;Google Scholar compare Bidembach, pp. 126–132.

25. Preger, 2: 152–157, cites a letter from the Jena theologians to the court, outlining the theologians' protest against princely censorship. Flacius, in exile in Regensburg, published Sendschreiben, Von den Mandaten, Satzungen und Ordnungen, dadurch das wort Gottes gefangen, dem heiligen Geist sein ampt gespert, und endtlich gar genommen wird (np., [1562 or 1563]) with his longtime friend Nikolaus Gallus. The authors present in very brief form a dozen arguments against the imposition of princely control over theologians' publications and their preaching. Flacius and Gallus did use the distinction of vocational responsibilities in the offices of temporal ruler and ecclesiastical teacher as one of the arguments. However, they did not call the tyrannical prince the Antichrist, as Judex did.

26. Judex, Matthaeus, De vera pace ecclesiae, et de seditione dvplici ecclesiastica, et politica, libelli dvo utiles, ad diivdicandas criminationes hypocritarum, et tyrannorum, et persecvtorum ecclesiae (n.p., 1561), especially pp. 33–35, 43–59.Google Scholar

27. On Luther's own views of resistance to higher authorities, see Thompson, W. J. D. Cargill, “Luther and the Right of Resistance to the Emperor,” in Church, Society, and Politics, ed. Baker, Derek, Studies in Church History 12 (Oxford, 1975), pp. 159–202.Google Scholar On the development of resistance theory in the Lutheran movement, see Skinner, Quentin, The Foundations of Modern Political Thought, 2 vols. (Cambridge, 1978), 2: 3–110;Google ScholarWolgast, Eike, Die Wittenberger Theologie und die Politik der evangelischen Stönde: Studien zu Luthers Gutachten in politischen Fragen (Gütersloh, 1977);Google Scholar and the collection of documents in Scheible, Heinz, ed., Das Widerstandsrecht als Problem der deutschen Protestanten, 1523–1546 (Gütersloh, 1969), especially pp. 94, 97–98.Google Scholar

28. Luther, , Zirkulardisputation, in D. Martin Luthers Werke, vol. 39, pt. 2, pp. 34–51.Google Scholar See Wolgast, , Wittenberger Theologie, pp. 243–251;Google ScholarDörries, Hermann, Wort und Stunde, 3 vols. (Gottingen, 1970), 3:240–246;Google Scholar and Hermann, Rudolf, “Luthers Zirkulardisputation über Matth. 19, 21,” Lutherjahrbuch 23 (1941): 36–93, especially pp. 72–85.Google Scholar Compare Bekentnis, Vnterricht und vermanung, sigs. [A]', G3-[G4]r, Kv, O2v-L3r, Mr-M2v, [P4]t.

29. Luther, , D. Martin Luthers Werke, vol. 30, pt. 3, pp. 276–320.Google Scholar

30. Kolb, Robert, Andreae and the Formula of Concord (Saint Louis, 1977), pp. 50–54.Google Scholar

31. But note the judgment of Martin Kruse that the Gnesio-Lutheran defiance of John Frederick the Middler did influence the later Lutheran prophetic critique of government. Kruse, Martin, Speners Kritik am Landesherrlichen Kirchenregiment und Ihre Vorgeschichte (Witten, 1971), p. 60.Google Scholar I am indebted to Oliver K. Olson for this reference.