^1. Rupp, E. Gordon, “Luther and the Puritans,” Luther Today (Decorah, Iowa: Luther College Press, 1957), pp. 108–109.Google Scholar I am grateful to Robert McNally, S. J., who read this paper in an earlier form.

^2. This is a weakness In the approach of Albrecht Peters, “Reformatorische Rechtfertigungsbotshaft zwischen tridentinischer Reehtfertignngslehre und gegenwärtigem evangelischen Verständnis der Rechtfertigung,” Luther Jahrbueh 1964, 77–128 who follows Lipgens, Walter. Kardinal Johaines Gropper 1503–1559 und Die Anfauml;nge Der Katholiechen Reform in Deutsohland (Münster Westfalen: Aschendorffsche Verlagabuchhandlung, 1951), p. 194.Google Scholar One who does use such material effectively is Douglas, Richard M., Jacopo Sadoleto 1477–1547 Humanist and Reformer (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1959), pp. 264 ff.Google Scholar and especially Forster, Anseim, Gesets and Evangeliura Bei Girolomo Ser'ipando (Paderborn, 1963).Google Scholar On the Quattrocento see Anderson, Marvin, “Laurentius Valla: Renaissance Critic and Biblical Theologian,” Coneordia Theological Monthly, XXXIX (1968), 10–27Google Scholar and Levi, Anthony, “Renaissance and Reformation,” Dublin Review (1965), 255–267.Google Scholar

^3. Paaeoe, Louis B., S. J. “The Council of Trent and Biblical Study: Humanism and Scripture,” Catholic Historical Review, LII (1966), 18–38.Google Scholar Heiko Oberman calls attention to the Franciscan Andreas do Vega (1498–1549) and Dominicanus Soto (1495- 1560), but gives scant attention to their biblical commentaries. See “Das tridentinische Rechtfertigungsdekret im Lichte spätniittelalterlieher Theologie,” Zeitschrift für Theologie und Kirche, LXI (1964), 266–68 and 278–82.Google Scholar

^4. Montgomery, John Warwick, “Sixtus of Siena and Roman Catholic Biblical Scholarship in the Reformation Period,” Archiv für Ref ormationsgeschichte, LIV (1963), 233.Google Scholar

^5. “Trent and Justification (1546): A Protestant Reflection,” Scottish Journal of Theology, XXI (December, 1968). For the term “evangelieai” see letter of Gregorio Cortese to Contarini (1540) in Dittrich, Fr., Regesten and Briefe des Cardinals Gasparo Contarini (1483–1542) (Braunsberg, 1881), p. 130.Google Scholar

^6. Jedin, Hubert, A History of the Council of Treat, 2 vols. (Edinburgh, 1951), II, 60.Google Scholar Del Monte appears to have used Catharinus for his opposition to the new biblical study. Ibid., II, 54, n. 2 (See below note 84). Tavard, George H., Holy Writ Or Holy Church (Harper, 1959)Google Scholar refers to the polemics of Catarinus [sic.] on pp. 181–184. Tavard omits the exegetical studies of Catharinus and mentions neither Marino Grimani nor Clemens Aranis.

^7. “There is as yet no history of the study of the problem of justification between 1520 and 1545.” Jedin, II, 168.

^8. Ibid., II, 43.

^9. See Ferrari, Luigi, Onamasticon, Repertorio Bibiographico Degli Scritiori Italiano Del 1501 al 1850 (Milano, 1947)Google Scholar for information on each of these men. This volume (not cited in Jedin's Trent) was suggested for use by the librarians of the Biblioteca Nazionale Marciana, Venezia. Catalogued, , Lett. Italiana 79 D.Google Scholar

^10. Emin. Ant. Cicogna, Delle iscrizioni veneziane, Venezia, Guist. Orlandelli ed.; poi Glue. Picotti stamp.; Gins. Molinari stamp.; tip. Andreola, , 1824–1853, Vol I, 171Google Scholar, Col. ii.

^11. Grimani, Marino, Commentarli in Epistolas Pauli, Ad Ramanos, et ad Galatas (Aldus, Venetlis, MD. XLII).Google Scholar Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana, , Aldine 11:39.Google Scholar

^12. Cicogna, op. cit., 1, 172, col. ii. Cicogna confirms the writing of the commentary by Grimani in Vol. IV, 632 ff.

^13. After a careful search I have been unable to obtain further information on the life of Grimani in the Biblioteca Nazionale Marciana, Venezia. A single reference to Grimani in the general catalogue of the Vatican Library- was to his Aldine commentary of 1542. He is related to the Venetian humanist Domenico, Cardinal Grimani (1461–1523) and the Marino Grimani elected Doge di Venezia 26 April, 1595 (Eneyclopedia Italiana q.v.). See Paschini, Plo, Ii Cardinda ie Marino Grimani Ed I Prsiati Della Sua Famiglia, Lateranum, Nova Series An XXVI-N. 1-2 (Roman: Pacultas Theokgica Pontificiae Universitatis Lateranensis, MCMLX), 15–16Google Scholar and balow, note 60. On the background see Laven, P. J., “The Causa Grimani and its Political Overtones,” Journal of Religious History, IV (1967), 184–205.Google Scholar

^14. Grimani, , Romans, fol. 5r.Google Scholar Translations in this essay are mine. “Haec itaque omnia, quae retulimus, sunt huius obscurissime epistolae argumentum. Qua ex re perapicue apparet, Apostolum hanc epistolam texuisse, non, ut Gentilium, sed ut ludasorum arrogantiam, et tumorem deprimeret, ostenderepze; Gentiles ills pares esse vocatione, miserieordiaque; praestere, qui fide, innocentia vitae, institia, caeterisqne; aliis virtutibus reliquo superaret”.

^15. Comments on this verse are taken from fols. 12r-13v.

^16. Ad bc.

^17. Loc. cit.: Id est ex fide priori, qua patres nostri crediderunt Christun, nasciturum, et moriturum; in fidem, qua nos eundem eredimus natum, as mortnum esse.”

^18. Petri Lombardi, Coilectanea In Omnes D. PauU Apostobi Epistobas: In Epistolas Ad Roinanos, Migne, Patroiogia Latrna CXCI–CXCII. col. 1324: “Fidei enim quae creditur, id eat Symboli fidei, multae aunt pastes, quarum alique aunt Mc positae. Eodem quoque modo accipitur fides, eum dicitur fidea Cathollea, quasi plod universaliter ab omnibus eredendum eat”.

^19. Grimani, , Romana, fol. 13v:Google Scholar “Recti igitur ex fide in fidem, id eat secundum quod patres nostri confidimus Videmus enim in Euangelio institiam Dei servatam ease, et ideo iustus ex confidentia sua, qua credit Deum servare promissa, vivit.”

^20. Ibid., fol. 31r: “Haec inquam fides est, quae iustitiam iliam Del credit facta fuisse propter absolutionem peccatorum nostrorum, quia credentes in Christum credunt etiam Deum Patrem voluiase Filium swim, qui eat Christus.”

^21. Ibid., fol 33r.

^22. Ibid., fol 34v.

^23. Ibid., fol 34r.

^24. Ad loc.

^25. Ibid., fol. 36v.: “Dixerat, quod credenti in eum, qui iustificat inipium, sola illius fides esset reputata fill ad instificationem sine operibus carnis”.

^26. See letter of June 20, 1527 from Cortese to Contarinl about biblical lectures in Mantua. “II nostro frate Pietro da modena con grandissima e grattissime audienza legge ancor esso le epistole di San Paulo e gil evangelii, sicché molto si ha da pensare, come si debbano ordinar tall cose senze interrompere ii corso del verbo dlvino.” Dittrieh, op. cit., 100. See also Tirabosehi, Girolamo, Biblioteca Modense … vite e opere, Modena, 1781–1786, II, 190Google Scholar for reference to Cortese's bilingual New Testament. A brief search of the Modenese archives failed to yield a copy of Testamentwm novum juxta veterem transiaonem at Graeca Exemplaria recognituin, etc, (Venice, 1538).Google Scholar Professor Tullio Gasparini searched the Biblioteca Nasionale Marciana at Venice in vain for a copy for me; nor did I find a copy listed in the Vatican Library general catalogue.

^27. Ibid., fol. 37r.: “Dixit autem iustitiam fidei, ut ostenderet differentiam inter hanc, et lustitiam legis, quia per hane tantum, et non per illam legis, fuit facta Abrahae promissio haereditatis; quia haec coram hominibus, iustitia vero fidei coram Deo lustificare solet.”

^28. Ibid., fol. 41v.

^29. Ibid., fol. 41r.

^30. Loc. cit.: “Per quem etiam eundem habemus apertum aditum per fidem, credendo in gratiam istam iustificationis, quia divina gratia nobis donatum fuit, ut fides nostra nobis imputetur ad nostram iustifiationem.”

^31. Grimani, , Romans., fol 61r.Google Scholar

^32. Ad loc.

^33. Ibid., fol. 62v.

^34. Much contemporary exegesis followed Aquinas. When Torrance calls Aquinas a scentifia exegete, he omits any use of these commentaries. Torrance, T. F., “The Scientific Hermeneutics of St. Thomas Aquinas,” Journal of Theological Studies, XIII (1962), 259–289.CrossRefGoogle ScholarDiui Thomi Aquinalls prdini predicator viri a vite sanctimonia et sacrarum literarum penitia preclani, in beati Paubi apostoli epistolas, commentaria, a mendis repurgatiora ex baniarum editionum ac betussissi morum codicum collatione, additus est index copiossimus rerum scitu dignarum, Ambrose Giravit (Paris, 1529). I cite this annotated copy in King's College Library, Aberdeen, Scotland for its obvious use in combating early Solafidianism in Northeastern Scotland in the 1530's. It was lent by the Provincial to the Franciscans at Elgin and Aberdeen as the inscription proves. At Romans 3:22.25 a hand is drawn in the margin and its finger points at 3:23 with the exclamation, notea (Cap. iii, fol xliii, xii). Aquinas' statement which provokes anti-Lutheran marginal comments is as follows: “Fide purificans corda corum—nou sit sine charitate…” Parthenopian society in Scotland would not be the only place, in Europe where Catholic exegesis was endorsed or rewritten: “St. Thomas Aquinas's Commdntary on the Epistles of St. Paul, printed three times between 1522 and 1532, rivalled the popularity of a romance of chivalry.”, Jedin, op.cit., II, 168.

^35. Ibid., fol. 94v.

^36. Loc. cit. On the use of the term “evangelical” to describe Italian reform see Jung, Eva-Maria, “Evangelism in 16th-Century Italy,” Journal of the History of Ideas, XIV (1953), 511–527.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

^37. Ibid., fol. 129r.: “Hoe autem ideo fuit nobis a Christo revelatum, ut no namplius legiscriptae, wuam servabant Iudaei, mundum serviret; set ut fidei de Christo praedicate et revelatar obtemperaret, per quam salutem consequeretue.”

^38. Grimani, , Prefatio Ad Galatias, fol. 131r.Google Scholar

^39. Loc. cit. See Appendix I.

^40. Thomae De Vio Caietani Cardinalis Sancti Sixti: In Omnes Divi Pauli et Aliorum Apostolarum Epistolas Commentarii, et. Priaium In Epistoiam Pauli Ad Romano, Badius, Paris, 1532. Cf. Lagrange, M. J., “La critique textuelle avant le Concile de trente,” Revue Thomiste, XVII (1934/1934), 405.Google Scholar

^41. Vosté, M. J., Thomas De Vio O. P. Card. Cajetanus, Sacrae paginae Magister (Roma, 1935).Google Scholar

^42. Groner, J. F., O. P., Eardinal Cajetan Eine Gestalt Aus der Reformationseit (Societe Philosophique; Fribourg, 1951), p. 57.Google Scholar

^43. Vosté, op. cit., 31: “Considera, prudens lector, evangel textum et teipsum evangelio, non evangeium tuo accomda sensu.” The Librarian of University College, Cork, Ireland provided me with this reference. On Caletan's biblical study see my article “Thomas De Vio Cajetan (1469–1534): Scientia Christ Theologisehe Zeitschrift, XXV (Basel, 1969).Google Scholar

^44. Cajetan, , Galatians, fol. CXIXGoogle Scholar, v.: “Credere enirn in Christurn ad consequendarn iustificatione consequenda mediante fide Christi” I cite from the original edition catalogued II f. 227/vol in King's College Library, Aberdeen, Scotland.

^45. Tavard in mentioning Catarinus cites the Apologia of 1520 and the Claves Duas of 1543. The issue is more than the coinherence of scripture and church. The prior question in these commentaries is the nature of faith, coram Deo.

^46. Grimani, , Galatians, fol. 132r.Google Scholar: “abiecta veteris legis, in qua vixirnus vetustate, nunc in novae legis vita vivamus, in qua pulsis veteris legis ceremoniis, in sola Christi gratia spem omnem noetram habeamus; quod capiose, tum ad Romanos, turn ad Corinthias scribens, nobis faciendam esse declaravit.”

^47. Loc. cit.: “quia sola gratia Christi essemus a peccatis liberati.”

^48. Ibid., fol. 141r. Grimani's view of apostolic parity is to be found in subsequent verses. I am not certain of the meaning of the Latin text, which reads: “fusisse parem Petro, quod vero attinet ad potestatem, libere fatendum est. Paulum fuisse inferiorem Petro, quad ox hoc loeo maxirne ostendi potest, qula dicit secundurn revelationem se profectum fuisse Hierosolyman, ut conferret cum Petro Euangeliurn, quod praedicabat, quod quidem non fecisset, nisi Petri potestatem sea praestantiorem esse iudicasset.” It suggests that unless Paul's confrontation of Peter's authority by means of the gospel be valid, it must be admitted that Paul is inferior to Peter. The entire section, published as it was in the aftermath of Ratisbon 1541 in Venice 1542, gives one an insight into contemporary arguments for justifying the evangelical Catholic reform, even in the face of an implaccable successor to Peter. Pauline theology and not political expediency alone might also be expected in Venice. On this point note well the severity of the inquistorial tribunal after 1542 lii Venice as described by Pommier, Edward, “La Societe Venitienne Et La Réform Protestante au XVI Siècle,” Bolletino dell' Istituto di Storia delia Società e dello Stato Veneziano, I (1959), 3–26.Google Scholar See also Jedin, Hubert, “Gasparo Contarini e il Contributo Veneziano alla Riforma Cattolica,” La Civiltà Veneziana del Renascimento (Venice, 1958)Google Scholar and Pommier, E., “Notes Sur La Propagande Protestante Dana La République De Venise Au Milieu Du XVI Siècle.” Aspects di la Propagande Religieuse, (Geneve: E. Droz, 1957), 240–246.Google Scholar

^49. Ibid., fol. 143r.

^50. Ibid., fol. 144r.

^51. Ibid., fol 145r. Comment on verse 19.

^52. Loc. cit.: ”Factus per Filium Dei, quod eat vivere vita spirituali, et non in eaeremonhis caranalibus, prout olini in lege vivebat”.

^53. Ibid., fol 146v.: “Ideo vivo in fide, et ideo promissionibus mliii factia per Filium Dei credo, qula ipse me amavit, et semet [sic eamel?] ipsum obtulit ad mortem pro liberatione mea”.

^54. Ibid. fol 148v. per solam fidem Christi.

^55. Ibid., fol. 149v. “iustificationem autem apud Deum consequimur per solam fidem, quod probat auetoritate Abacuch, dicentes: Inatus cx fide vivit. Cum igitur lex non sit ex fide, manifestum eat iustifieationem non ease ex lege: has antem utraque; auctoritates in epistola ad Romanos copioee. declaravimus”.

^56. When Douglas, R. M., Jacopo Badoleto 1477–1547 Humansat and Reformer (Harvard, 1959)Google Scholar, dismisses the new biblical theology as “ill-prepared for the heavy seas of doctrinal controvery which were then running” (80–81), more careful attention to Contarini, Giberti and Pole helps balance the account. It was Pole who influenced Sadoleto in 1532 to write the 1535 Commentary on Roinans. See Pole's letter to Sadoleto of October 28, 1532 in Quirini, Angelo Marine, Epistolarwm. Reginaldi Poli S.R.E. CardinaUs Et Aliorum ad ipsum (Brixiae, 1764) I, 397.Google Scholar On Contarini see the seldom cited Bchoka of 1542 in Gasparis Contarini Cardinalis Opera, Paris, 1571Google Scholar especially the conunent on Ephesians 3: 12: “In quo habemus fiduciam et aceessum in confidentia, per fidem ipsius,” fol. 487. Douglas, p. 93 speaks of the audacity these commentaries represent. If one should not read subsequent use of Trent as decisive for the April 8, 1546 decree on Scripture and tradition, neither should one read the decisions of Trent back into the period prior to 1542! Note the letter of Contarini to Guistiniani of December 26, 1511 in Jedin, H., Contraini und Camaldoli (Rome: Edizioni Di Storm E Letteratura, 1953, p. 25Google Scholar, lines 9–10 Et e venuto el tempo che, secundo lo antioquo nib desiderio, son per darme tuto a la Scritura Sacra, rivedendo qualche coseta di questi altri studli niaxime per giovar a quelli doi giovanni che Sappeti in questo usano la inia opera. cf. Leclercq, Jean, “Le BX Paul Giustiniani et les ermites de son temps,” Problemi Di Vita Religiosa In Italia Nel Cinquecento, Italia Sacra, Studi E Documenti Di Storia Ecclesiastica (Antenore: Padua, 1960), II, 58.Google Scholar

^57. Grimani, , Galatians, fol. 163r.Google Scholar

^58. Loc. cit.: Causa enim fuit gratia Christi qua mediante per fidein illius salvamur; sitamen fides nobis donata opera sua per eharitatein exerceat”.

^59. McNally, Robert E., S. J., “The Council of Treat, The Spiritual Exercises and The Catholic Reform,” Church History, XXXIV (1956), 37.Google Scholar Note that Aquinas reduces all moral laws to one or another of the ten commandments. This might help account for Grimani's distinction here. For Aquinas, reduction occurs “as conclusions in principles as converse of principles in conclusions”.

^60. Grimani, , Gaiatians, fol. 172r.Google Scholar: “ut in sola lesu Christi cruce vivam, et in ea sola meam omnem gloriam ponam, in qua una nostrani omnem salutem positam esse iudieamus; et ideo in sola cruce Christi, quia ifia sola nobis salutem conferre potest, et non in lege, neque; in ipsius ceremoniis nobis gloriandum est, quia neque lex, neque; illius ceremoniae nobis salutem aliquam afferre unquani potuerunt”.

^61. Gliubich, Simsone, Dizionario biografico degli uomini illustri della Dalmazia (Vienna, 1856), 264.Google Scholar

^62. Quetif, Jacques and Echard, Jacques, Scriptores Ordines Praedicatorum recensiti … et ad hanc nostram aetatem perducti curis et labore Fr. Remigii Coulon, 1719–1721 (I–II); Parislls: Mph. Picard, 1910–1934 (III), Vol. II, 131Google Scholar, cols. i-li.

^63. Colchi, Seb., Fasti litterario-Ragusini siue virorum letteratorum … prospectus (Venice, 1767), 16.Google Scholar

^64. Loc. cit.

^65. Expositio Fratris Clementis Aranei Ragusini Ordinis Praedicatorum cum resolutionibus occurrentium dubiorura, etiam Lutheranorum errores con futantium Seoundum subiectam materia'm, super epistolam Paui ad Romanos (Venice, 1547).Google Scholar

^66. Ibid., fol 33, left margin: “sed salvamur sola fide. Sola fide sufficit. sola fide, quem per charitate operatus”.

^67. Ibid., fol. 35r.: “Mala autem pro bonis non reddet: quia non est inustus. Ecce he a lutherane opera bona esse necessaria ad salutem, et non solam fidem. Quoniam uniquique reddet non secundum solam fidem, Ut tu videris dicere: sed ex fide secundum opera, bonos, instificabit in iuditio”.

^68. Ibid., fol. 44r. ad remissionein culpae leads one to reflect that Aranis denies remission of sins as the purpose of justification in favour of doing what has been said in the gospel. The essential position of the reformers, both Catholic and Protestant, pointed to the forgiveness of sins as central to justification. Good works must only follow that great gift of a gracious God. To hear and obey what was said in the gospel led to faith. To do the gospel rested on that faith.

^69. Ibid., fol 45v.: “Bed in sacranientis ecclesiae gratia existat formaliter per modum formaliter causae”.

^70. Ibid., fol. 48r.

^71. Ibid., fol. 49v.: “Soius autem deus iustificat effective per infusam gratiam, ut diximus”.

^72. Cf. Ibid., fol. 62v-r.: “An fides sola iustificat contra lutheranos.” This was Bishop Fisher's text at the abjuration of Robert Barnes in 1521. See Clebseh, William A., England's Earliest Protestants 1520–1535, Yale, 1964, 16.Google Scholar

^73. Ibid., fol. 62v.

^74. Ibid., fol 62r.

^75. Loc. cit.

^76. Ad loc. adjective is by Aranis. I have not been able to identify the Papal reference.

^77. Ibid., fol. 87v.: “Dicitur etiam lex vitae: quia iustificat per gratiam: qua conferunt Sacrainenta nouae legis: quoniani ipsa efficiunt quod significant. et Io 1. et 3 (8) per Christum gratia et veritas facta est”.

^78. Ibid., fol. 87r.: “Qui non secundum carem: sed secundum spiritum ambuiamus. [fs?] per bona opera: quia fides sine operibus non sufficit ad salutem cum sit mortua. Haec notula contra luth”.

^79. Jedin, , Trent II, 40.Google Scholar See Sehweizer, J., “Ambrorius Catharinus Politus,” Reformationsgeschichtliche Studien und Texte, 7 (Münster, 1910).Google Scholar

^80. Jedin, op. cit., 68. Jedin forgets here that A. Bonuecio preached at the April session and caused a near crisis. McNally, Robert E., “Freedom and Suspicion at Trent: Bonuccio and Soto.” Theological Studies, XXIX (1968), 759–762.Google Scholar

^81. Quetif, op. cit., 2, 144, col. i.

^82. Loc. cit. “Ad Carolum Max … apologia pro veritate catholica ac apostelica fidei ac doctrinae aduersus impia ac valde pestifera Martini Lutheri dogmata (Florence, 1520),]

^83. Ibid., 144, eol. ii.

^84. Loc. cit. [Bpeculum haereticorum contra Bernardinum Ochinum, Romae, 1532.] See Lauchert, F., “Die Polemik des Ambrosius Catharinus gegen Bernardino Ochino,” Zeitschrift fur Kirchcngeschichte, XXXI (1907), 23–50.Google Scholar On Catharinus' opposition to Cajetan see Collins, T. A., “The Cajetan Controversy,” American Ecclesiastical Review 128 (1953), 90 ff.Google Scholar On the exegetical questions compare Coffins, T. A., “Cardinal Cajetan's Fundamental Biblical Principles, “Catholic Biblical Quarterly, XVII (1955), 363–378.Google Scholar

^85. Cf. Quetif, 2, 144, col. I to 151, col. I for a list of works attributed to Catharinus. Jedin says his was no systematic examination of the Lutheran doctrine of justification, op. cit., 169. The point to be remembered is that there was none. Therefore one should, examine such literature as existed, controversial though it be. Another example would be his description in 1544 of the Beneficio di Cristo as a “compendo d' erroriet inganni luterani.”; MeNair, Philip, Peter Martyr in Italy (Oxford, 1967), 43.Google Scholar See also Vinay, Valdo, “Die Schrift” II Beneficlo di Ghristo Christo “und thre Verbreitung in Europa nach der neueren Forsehung,” Archiv für Ref orinatinsgeschichte, LVIII (1967), 35 and 55, note 124.Google Scholar See above my note 56.

^86. Coinmentaria R. P. F. Ambrosii Catharine Politi Senesis, Episcopi Minoriensis, in Omnes Divi Pauli, et Alias Septem Canonicae Epistolas, (Venetiis: in officina Erasmiana Vincentii Vaigrisii, MDLI).

^87. Ibid., 12.

^88. Ibid., 14.

^89. Loc. cit. “infusum” is his key word.

^90. Ibid., 15.

^91. Ibid., 15, col. i.

^92. Lot,. cit.

^93. Ibid., 15, cot. ii.

^94. Loc. cit.: “Et ex hac fide sna homo accipit hoc donum iustitiae, et charitatis, et gratiac, quod non advenit sine dono fidei infusse. Haec enim fides est donum Dei, at sic procedit ex fide in fidem, idest, ex fide sua, idest, actu priori donum est formatum charitate.”

^95. Ad loc.

^96. Erasmus, , Paraphrase on Romans, 1518, 22–23Google Scholar, in King's College Library, Aberdeen, Scotland: “Quemodmodum et Abacu, praedixit, lustus, inquiens, meus ex fide victurus est.” The evidence cited by Catharinus parallels that cited by Erasmus in the Annotationes. Did Catharinus use these as a source for linguistic arguments against the new philological hermenentie? The evidence would suggest he did. “Annotandum interim, qnae Septuaginta hunc locum sic interpretati sunt: Instus autem meus ex fide mea vivet, decepti (ut. B. Hieronymus existimnt) alementarum similitudine. Porro mirum videtur, quod idem B. Hieronymus dicat hunc locum a B. Paulo inxta Septuaginta citatum. Quod tamen nec in graseis, nec in latinis codicibus nunc inveultur. Catharinus, , Romans, 16Google Scholar, eel. i. Read “sua” as infused faith and “mea” as Christ's faith.

^97. Catharinus, , Romans, 38Google Scholar, col. i.

^98. Loc. cit.

^99. Ibid., 39, col. i. One is not clear how he distinguishes iustitia from iutificatio other than using the former of Christ and the later of the Christian.

^100. Ibid., 39, col. ii.: “Tropus est, ac si diceret planius.”

^101. Catharinus, , Galatians, p. 273Google Scholar, col. i.: ‘Quod dum haeretici pessimi ac pernitiosissimi inficiantur, nonne contra unicersam scripturam dogmatizant”

^102. Loc. cit.

^103. Ibid., 273, col. ii.

^104. Loc. cit.

^105. Loc. cit.: “Haee est vera at catholica doctrina, quae haec signa gent. Conciliat scripturas: convenit cum sensu ecclesiäe: in promptu habt ut resolvat omnes hereticorum argutias: et fideliter suscepta facit animum quiescere.”

^106. Catharinus, , Hebrews, p. 544Google Scholar, col. i.: “His significat fidem ipsam non illud solum quod credit, respicere: sed et insuper secum habere ipsam rationem credendi.”

^107. Lorenzo, Giustiniani, “Girolamo Seripando,” Biografia degli uomini illustri del Regno di Napoli ornato de' loro rispettivi ritratti, compilata da diversi letterati nazionali, N. Gervasi, Naples, 1813, I, 157Google Scholar and Bart, . Chioecarelli, De Illustribus scriptioribus qui in civitate et regno Neapolis ad orbe condito ad annum usque MDCXXXXVI floruerunt, V. Ursini, Naples, 1780, I, 215Google Scholar cols. i and ii. See p. 216 for a list of Seripando's writings. On Egidio now see O'Malley, John W., S. J., “Historical Thought and the Reform Crisis of the early Sixteenth Century,” Theological Studies, XXVIII (1967), 531–548.Google Scholar

^108. I was unable to find a copy of Seripanclo'a Comment, in Epistolas Diai PauU ad Corinthias, et Thessalo'nicensis listed in Dav. Aurelio Perini Bibliografia Augustiniana cum notis biographicis. Scriptores Itali, Florence, 1937, 193f. Several volumes were deposited in the Regia Libraria d. s. Gio A Carbonara, Naples which are not in the Vatican Archives. The above item should be Cod. VIII a 36 in the Neopolitan Library. I have been unable to verify this after a personal visit. Cf. N. Toppi, Biblioteca Napoletana, A Bullifon, Naples, 1678, 160. Now see Anselin Forster, op. cit., who confirms that the lectures are still in the Biblioteca Nazionale, dated 1540/41.

^109. Hieronyini Seripandi S. B. B., Card. In D. Pauli Epistolas ad Bomanos, Et Gal at as Coinmentaria, Naples, 1601, 58.

^110. Coneilium Tridentinusn Diaroruin, Actorum, epistolarum, tractatuum noua collectio, 12 (Freiburg 1901) 521, LI. 47–52Google Scholar abbreviated as C.T. C.T.I., 507, 17: “De judicio enclesiae et scriptuarum in aliud tempus differendum videtur.” The critical section from C.T. 12, 521 is in line 48 f.: “omnia, quae pertinent ad veram religionem quaerendam et tenendam, divina Scriptura non tacuit.” This quotation from S. Augustine is followed by a citation of John 21:25. The final comment which Jedin omits-S eripando 279-is important. “Praeterea, cum multa. fecisset Dominus lesus, non omnia scripta sunt, sicut loannes evangelista testatur malta Dominum Christum et dixisse et fecisse, quae scripta non sunt electa aunt autem, quae seriberentur quae saluti eredentium sufficere videbantur.”

^111. Jedin, , Treat, II, 187.Google Scholar Tract found in C.T. 12, 613–36.Google Scholar

^112. Jedin, op. cit., II, 189. It appears that the historical situation conditioned theological statements at Trent. Seripando submitted himself to the judgment of the council. Delio Cantimori calls the attempt of Cardinals Morone, Pole and Vittorlo Colonna an aapect of Nicodemism. Surely one cannot describe all those who worked for doctrinal reform before Trent as Heretici Italsani. See Cantimori, Delio, “Nicodemismo E Speranze Condiiari Nel Cinquecento Italiano,” Contrsbuts AUa Btoria Del Coneslso Di Trento E Della Contrpriforma, Firenze, Valleehi, 1948, 19–20.Google Scholar

^113. C.T. 12, 630–31Google Scholar, line 4.

^114. Ad loc.: “Et primus soli fidei tribuitur.”

^115. quaest. cit.: “quia penitentia via est, qua ducit ad fidem, qua nobis peccata remittuntur communieata nobis et applicata Chriati iustitia.”

^116. PL 44, 243 ff.: “Ante ergo charitatem homo iustus eat iustificatione fidel, quam aliam esse non intelligo nisi remissionem peecatorum. Quam soli fidei tribui, Augustinus, , De verb. Dom. serm. 6Google Scholar, sic ostendit: Credis, O Peecator, Christo? Dicis: Credo. Quid eredis! Gratis universa peecata per ipsum tibit posse remitti. Habes, quod credidisti.” Seripaando also cites Augustine from PL 40, 88: “Iustifieatus per fidem iuste operatur, sed ad fidei iustifieationem non Vervenit iuste antea operatus, sed sola gratia Dei Iustificatio autem per fidem quid eat nisi peecatorum remisslo?”

^117. C.T. 5, 580, lines 44–46.: “Docet enim, ut non ad perfectionem iustitae nostrae, sed Dei misericordiam non ad nostra merita, sed ad Dei veniam eonvertamus oculas per Christum Dominum nostrum.” Cf. Forster, Anselin O.S.B., Gesete und Evangelium Bei Girolamo Seripando (Paderborn: Bonifaciua-Druckerei, 1963), p. 119Google Scholar: “The contrast between precept and promise is understood in the fulfillment of promise, for this fulfillment does not have to do with fulfillment of precepts in the final analysis.”

^118. C.T. 5, 663, note 2. Translation by Jedin, H., Papal Legate at the Council of Trent, Cardinal Seripondo (Herder, 1947), 378.Google Scholar

^119. Since this paper was prepared, a session on “Luther's reception in Italy” at the Church History Society annual meeting in Toronto (December, 1967) represented that reception as either a romantic acceptance or bitter condemnation.

^120. Jedin, Hubert, “The Council of Trent and Reunion: Historical Notes,” The Heythrop Journal, III (1962) 14.Google Scholar

^121. See Anderson, Marvin, “Biblical Humanism and Roman Catholic Reform (1501–1542): Contrarini, Pole and Giberts,” Coneordia Theological Monthly, XXXIX (1968), 686–707.Google Scholar

^122. Girolamo Seripando, Argumentum Ad Roinanos, ad loc. See also the following definition of faith cited in Forster, op. cit., 48, note 166: “Fides est, quae ad promissioneni Dci perducit, ut manifestum sit, gratuito Deum facere, quod promisit, et iustitiaan, quae primum promissa est, tanquam aliarum omnium promissionum radix et origo, non ut debitam merito servatao legis retribuere sed benigne ac liberaliter elargiri.”.