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17. See Alföldi; Kraft, pp. 115–118; Toynbee, J. M. C., “Roma and Constantinopolis in Late-Antique Art from 312 to 365,” The Journal of Roman Studies, XXXVII (1947), 135–144.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

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21. On the Edict of Milan and Constantine's religious legislation in general see Armstrong, Gregory T., “Church and State Relations: The Changes Wrought by Constantine,” The Journal of Bible and Religion, XXXII (1964), 3–5Google Scholar. For the significance of the directions to “heighten, enlarge and embellish the houses of prayer” (Eusebius, , Vita Constantini, i.42.23–26Google Scholar) see Voelkl, Ludwig, “Die konstantinisehen Kirchenbauten nach Eusebius,” Rivista di Archeoloqia Cristiana, XXIX (1953), 60–64.Google Scholar

22. Liber Pontificalis, ed. Duchesne, xxiiii (Silvester). 9–12; I, 172–174. The Lateran basilica is the“Constantiaian” basilica. Cf. Alföldi, , Conversion, pp. 51, 52Google Scholar. “a worthy rival by the side of the Capitol;” Friedrich Wilhelm Deichmann, Frühchristliche Kirchen in Rom (Band, 1948), pp. 13–17Google Scholar, who cites the famous inscription: “Cunctarum caput et mater ecclesiarum;” André Piganiol, L'Empereur Constantin (Paris, 1932), pp. 112–114Google Scholar; and Voelkl, , Die Kirchenstiftungen, pp. 50–52.Google Scholar

23. Voelkl, , Die Kirchenstiftungen, pp. 31–33Google Scholar; Grabar, André, Martyrium; Recherches sur le culte des reliques et l'art chrétien antique, I: Architecture (Paris, 1946), 210Google Scholar: “C'est la puissance de Dieu que Constantin célébre dans les sanctuaires qu'il fixe sur des lieux saints.” The same observation applies to St. Peter's and other churches. The inscription on the triumphal arch of the original St. Peter's confirms this fact. “Quod duce te mundus surrexit in astra triumphans,/hanc Constantinus victor tibi condidit aulam.” Diehl, , ILCV, 1752Google Scholar. Cf. Burch, Vacher, Myth and Constantine the Great (London, 1927), p. 150.Google Scholar

24. Constantine did not endow the Titulus Equitii The reference to it in the Liber Pontificalis, xxxiiii.3Google Scholar; I, 170, 171, was not in the first edition but was added later. See Vielliard, , Les origines du litre de Saint-Martin aux Monts à Rome, Studi di Antichitè Cristiuna, IV (Rome and Paris, 1931), 14–24, 117–120.Google Scholar

25. Toynbee, , “The Shrine of St. Peter and Its Setting,” The Journal of Roman Studies, XLIII (1953), 1–26CrossRefGoogle Scholar; and the bibliography on St. Peter's in Armstrong, “Constantine's Churches.” Roman law contained provisions against disturbing the graves of anyone, pagan, Jew or Christian, although other instances of appropriating cemeteries for public buildings are not unknown.

26. See the references in note 19.

27. On this important class of churches, see especially: Deichmann, and Tschira, Arnold, “Das Mausoleum der Kaiserin Helena und die Basilika der Heiligen Marcellinus mid Petrus an der Via Labicana vor Rom.” Jahrbuch des deutsehen archdologischen Instituts, LXXII (1957), 44–110Google Scholar; and Krautheisner, , “Mensa-Coemeterium-Martyrium,” Cahiers Arohéotogiques, XI (1960), 15–40.Google Scholar

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29. Eusebius, , Vita Constantini, iii.25–43, 51–53Google Scholar. See also Crowfoot, J[ohn] W[inter], Early Churches in Palestine, The Schweich Lectures on Biblical Archaeology of the British Academy, 1937 (London, 1941).Google Scholar

30. Ibid., iii.58.

31. Itinerarium Burdigalense in Corpus Scriptorum Ecclesiasticorum Latinorum, Xxxix, ed. P. Geyer (Vienna, 1898), 1–33.Google Scholar

32. E.g., St. Acacius in Heptascalon and perhaps the church of the same name in Karya as well as one of the churches dedicated to the Archangel Michael. The problems of fourth- century churches in Constantinople are especially difficult, and the evidence defies treatment in the space available here. Especially to be considered is the testimony of Eusebius, Socrates and Sozomen, all of whom would support a fourth century date for the churches named. A useful guide to the subject is Janin, R[aymond], La Géographic ecclésiastique de l'empire byzantin, 1st part: Le siège de Constantinople et patriarcat oeeumenique, III: Les églises et les monastéres (Paris, 1953)Google Scholar. Hagia Sophia seems to have been planned and started by Constantine but was completed by Constantius and dedicated in A.D. 360. Cf. Schneider, A. M., “Die vorjustinianische Sophienkirche,” Byzantinische Zeitschrift, XXXVI (1936), 77–85Google Scholar; and the references in Armstrong, “Constantine's Churches.”

33. Eusebius, , Vita Constantini, iii.50Google Scholar; Socrates, , Historia Ecclesiastica, i.16Google Scholar; ii.8, 16. On the pattern, see Burch, pp. 135–137; Grabar, I, 222–228; Voelkl, , Die Kirchenstiftungen, p. 32Google Scholar: “Die mit heidnischen Sakralbauten kombinierten Motive der Pietas, Concordia, Pax und Victoria, um nur einige anzufführen, erleben eine Christianisierung dureh ihre Verbindung mit den konstantinischen Kirchenbauten.” The parallel to the Ara Pacis of Augustus has been frequently noted, e.g., Alföidi, , Conversion, p. 114Google Scholar. The church of the Holy Dynamis is poorly attested, but Piganiol, p. 162, and others attribute it to Constantine.

34. Eusebius, , Vita Constantini, iii.64, 65.Google Scholar

35. The letter of Constantine to the African bishops, preserved by Optatus, is found in Kraft, pp. 198–200.

36. For a review of this policy with a collection of documents see Kraft, pp. 28–60, 160–201.

37. Frend, W. H. C., The Donatist Church: A Movement of Protest in Roman North Africa (Oxford, 1952), pp. 145–165, esp. 162.Google Scholar

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39. Codex Theodosianus, I.xxvii.1Google Scholar; IV.vii.1; XVI.ii,1, 2, 5, 7. See also Dörries, Hermann, Das Selbstzeugnis Kaiser Konstantins, Abhandlungen der Akademie der Wissenschaften in Göttingen, Phil.-hist. Klasse, 3rd series, 34 (Gottingen, 1954)Google Scholar; Armstrong, , JBR, XXXII, 4, 5Google Scholar; and Voelkl, , Die Kirchenstiftungen, pp. 29, 30.Google Scholar

40. Eusebius, , Laus Constantini, i.6Google Scholar; ii; xviii. Baynes, Norman H. “Eusebius and the Christian Empire,” Byzantine Studies and Other Essays (London, 1955), pp. 168–172.Google Scholar

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42. On the symbolism and propaganda function of ecclesiastical architecture: Smith; Kraft, pp. 114, 119 (“Symbole für das Zunkunftsreieh, this von Konstantin herbeigeführt wird”); von Sehoenebeck, p. v; Aland, p. 569.

43. Grabar, I, 212, 235–239, deals at length with this idea. The church was the hérōon to the founder of the city, Christ, the king of the New Jerusalem. There is a striking parallel to the Church of the Apostles near the geographical center of Constantinople. See n. 46.

44. Voelkl, , Die Kirchenstiftungen, 40–43Google Scholar; Dörries; Armstrong, , JBR, XXXII, 3–5.Google Scholar

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47. I follow the conclusions of Krautheimer and others who seem to be in general agreement against those such as Downey who deny the church's Constantinian origin or such as August Heisenberg who affirm a motive of self-deification. Cf. Aland, , “Der Abbau des Herrscherkultes im Zeitalter Konstantins,” Kirchengeschichtliehe Entwürfe (Gütersloh, 1960), p. 256Google Scholar, who observes that the church conducts a Christian funeral for Constantine without the participation of the army and Constantius. Eusebius, , Vita Constantini, iv. 71.Google Scholar

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49. Ward Perkins, p. 88; Finegan, Jack, Light from the Ancient Past: The Archaeological Background of Judaism and Christianity, 2nd ed. (Princeton, 1959), pp. 506–508.Google Scholar

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51. There is a parallel here to the buildings of Diocletian and Galerius. Grabar, I, 219–228.

52. Eusebius, , Vita Constantini, ii.56, 60Google Scholar; iii.1, 54–56, 58; Laus Constantini, viii.4–9Google Scholar. Sozomen, , Historia Ecolesiastica, ii.5Google Scholar. The sons of Constantine went much farther.

53. As Eusebius in fact recognized, Laus Constantini, ix.17, 19Google Scholar; xviii.

54. Eusebius, , Laus Constantini, iii and xGoogle Scholar. On church and state in this whole period see Berkhof, , Kirche und Kaiser: Eine Untersuchung der byzantinischen und der theokratischen Staatsauffasung im vierten Jahrhundert, trans. Locher, Gottfried W. (Zollikon-Zürich, 1947)Google Scholar; esp. the do ut des concept.

55. Especially relevant here is the concept of the episcopos tōn ektos which should include a responsibility for building churches. On this term, see Seston, W[illiam], “Constantine as a ‘Bishop’,” The Journal of Roman Studies, XXXVII (1947), 125–131Google Scholar; Vittinghoff, Friedrieh,“Eusebius als Verfasser der ‘Vita Constantini’,” Rheinisches Museum für Philologie, new series, XCVI (1953), 365–370Google Scholar; Straub, J[ohannes],“Kaiser Konstantin als epiScpos tōn ektos,” Studia Patristica, I (Berlin, 1957), 678–695Google Scholar; Winke]mann, 236–239.

56. See the discussion of church finances in Jones, pp. 894–905.

57. See the relevant chapters of Dix, Gregory, The Shape of the Liturgy (London, 1960), pp. 303–433.Google Scholar

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