¹ Scottish, Dutch, and other Reformed churches were also important influences, though outside the scope of this article.

² Fasts that specifically referenced suffering of European or global Protestants were called in April of 1681, July of 1681, January of 1682/83, April of 1684, July of 1684, March of 1684/85, July of 1685, July of 1686, March of 1689/90, July of 1689, and the spring of 1691. Dates from Records of the First Church at Dorchester in New England, 1636–1734 (Boston: George H. Ellis, 1891), 85–100 Google Scholar; Massachusetts Archives Collection (hereafter cited as Mass. Archives), Photostats Collection, Massachusetts Historical Society, Boston (hereafter cited as MHS), 11: 8a, 35, 38, 39, 50; Love, William DeLoss, The Fasts and Thanksgiving Days of New England (New York: Houghton, Mifflin and Company, 1895)Google Scholar, Appendix.

³ Shurtleff, Nathaniel, ed., Records of the Colony of New Plymouth (Boston: William White, 1856), 6:58Google Scholar, 101.

⁴ For puritans generally, Antichrist's attacks most often referred to the actions of the Catholic Church or absolutist monarchs, though they could also include dissensions and errors within Protestant institutions. Mass. Archives, 11:8a. For customs during fast days, see Love, Fasts and Thanksgiving Days, 416–417. The turn to apocalyptic language as a way of expressing Protestant solidarity is not new in the colonial context—see, for example, the 1645 letter of thirty-nine New England ministers in support of the early ecumenist John Durie: “Copy of the letter returned by the ministers of New-England to Mr. John Dury about his pacification,” in Norton, John, Three choice and profitable sermons (Cambridge, Mass., 1664), 10Google Scholar.

⁵ Increase Mather, Diary, July 6–7, 1681, M. G. Hall Transcripts, Mather Family Papers, 1613–1819, American Antiquarian Society, Worcester, Mass.

⁶ Ichabod Chauncy to Increase Mather, Bristol, [Feb] 17, 1681/82, Massachusetts Historical Society Collections (hereafter cited as MHS Collections), 4th ser., vol. 8 (1868): 618–620; see also letters from Nathaniel Mather in Dublin (43) and Samuel Cradock in Wickam (643–644). For a treatment of these views in the English context, see Hintermaier, John M., “The First Modern Refugees?: Charity, Entitlement, and Persuasion in the Huguenot Immigration of the 1680s,” Albion 32, no. 3 (Autumn 2000): 432–434 CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

⁷ Mather, Increase, A sermon wherein is shewed that the church of God is sometimes a subject of great persecution; preached on a publick fast at Boston in New-England: occasioned by the tidings of a great persecution raised against the Protestants in France (Boston, 1682)Google Scholar, A3r.

⁸ Ibid., 12, 3, 13–14, see also 22–23.

⁹ Foxe, John, Actes and Monuments (London, 1583), 1843; Divine Consolations for Mourners in Sion (Cambridge, Mass., 1664), 41Google Scholar; Weimer, Adrian Chastain, Martyrs’ Mirror: Persecution and Holiness in Early New England (New York: Oxford University Press, 2011)CrossRefGoogle Scholar, chap. 1.

¹⁰ Willard, Samuel, Fiery tryal no strange thing [preached February 15, 1681] (Boston, 1682), 15Google Scholar; see also Willard, All Plots Against God and His People Detected and Defeated, as it was delivered in a Sermon At a Fast . . . in Boston, Jan. 25, 1682, printed with The Child's Portion (Boston, 1684)Google Scholar. For Willard and Increase Mather's relationship, including their frequent cooperation, see Hall, Michael G., Last American Puritan: The Life of Increase Mather, 1639–1723 (Middletown, Conn.: Wesleyan University Press, 1988)Google Scholar. Cotton Mather was also concerned about Huguenot Sabbath observance. In January of 1686/87 he wrote: “As I would show all the Kindness that I can, unto the French Refugees arrived in this Countrey, so I would earnestly recommend it unto their Ministers to awaken that People unto a greater Observation of the Lord's Day; by the Neglect whereof they had given too much of Scandal.” Diary of Cotton Mather, 1681–1708, ed. Worthington Ford, MHS Collections, 7th ser., vol. 7 (1911): 134.

¹¹ Willard, Fiery tryal, 16–17.

¹² Willard, All Plots, 209.

¹³ Samuel Sewall to Thomas Glover, July 15, 1686, MHS Collections, 6th ser., vol. 1 (1886), 31; Samuel Sewall to Edward Taylor [1686], MHS Collections, 6th ser., vol. 1 (1886), 35.

¹⁴ Diary of Cotton Mather, 41–42. William Adams of Dedham, John Brock of Reading, and Thomas Cobbett of Ipswich were also involved in promoting the Monday prayers. Thomas Cobbett to Increase Mather, December 13, 1681, MHS Collections, 4th ser., vol. 8 (1868): 292.

¹⁵ Records of the First Church at Dorchester, 95.

¹⁶ Thacher, , “Journal” in The History of Milton, ed. Teale, Albert Kendall (Boston, 1887)Google Scholar Appendix B, p. 647.

¹⁷ Haefeli, Evan and Stanwood, Owen, “Jesuits, Huguenots, and the Apocalypse: The Origins of America's First French Book,” Proceedings of the American Antiquarian Society 116, part 1 (2006), 78–84 Google Scholar.

¹⁸ Van Engen, Abram, Sympathetic Puritans: Calvinist Fellow Feeling in Early New England (New York: Oxford, 2015), 45CrossRefGoogle Scholar; see also Calvin, John, Institutes of the Christian Religion, ed. McNeill, John T. (Louisville, Ky.: Westminster John Knox Press, 1960), 3.7.6–7 Google Scholar: while “most men give their alms contemptuously” it is better they first “put themselves in the place of him whom they see in need of their assistance, and pity his ill fortune as if they themselves experienced and bore it, so that they may be impelled by a feeling of mercy and humaneness to go to his aid just as to their own.”

¹⁹ Thomas Hanford to Increase Mather, June 22, 1683, MHS Collections, 4th ser., vol. 8 (1868): 625.

²⁰ Hambrick-Stowe, Charles, The Practice of Piety: Puritan Devotional Disciplines in Seventeenth-Century New England (Chapel Hill: Institute of Early American History and Culture/University of North Carolina Press, 1982), 176–177 Google Scholar; Garrett, Cynthia, “The Rhetoric of Supplication: Prayer Theory in Seventeenth-Century England,” Renaissance Quarterly 46, no. 2 (Summer, 1993): 344–345 CrossRefGoogle Scholar. For Calvin's own views on the efficacy of prayer, see Crisp's, Oliver chapter, “John Calvin and Petitioning God,” in Retrieving Doctrine: Essays in Reformed Theology (Downers Grove, Ill.: IVP Academic, 2010), 133–155 Google Scholar.

²¹ Edmund Quincy Memoranda Book, ca. 1671, Quincy Family Papers, MHS.

²² Downame, John, A guide to godlynesse or a Treatise of a Christian life (London, 1622), 124–125 Google Scholar. Shepard, Thomas, Sincere Convert (London, 1674), 7Google Scholar.

²³ Samuel Sewall to John Wise, April 12, 1698, MHS Collections, 6th ser., vol. 1 (1886): 198.

²⁴ Samuel Cradock, Wickhambrook, September 23, 1684, MHS Collections, 4th ser., vol. 8 (1868): 642.

²⁵ Thomas Cobbett to Increase Mather, February 1682/83, MHS Collections, 4th ser., vol. 8 (1868), 297; Cobbett to Increase Mather, May 1862, MHS Collections, 4th ser., vol. 8 (1868), 294.

²⁶ Cobbett to Mather, February 1862/63, 297.

²⁷ Ibid., 296–297. Increase Mather thought the Huguenot crisis was “one awful Consequent of that Portentous Blaze” (A sermon wherein is shewed, 18–19).

²⁸ Hintermaier, “First Modern Refugees?,” 435; Stanwood, Owen, “The Protestant Moment: Antipopery, the Revolution of 1688–1689, and the Making of an Anglo-American Empire,” Journal of British Studies 46, no. 3 (July 2007): 484–485, 488CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Bosher, J. F., “Huguenot Merchants and the Protestant International in the Seventeenth Century,” William and Mary Quarterly 52, no. 1 (January 1995): 88CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Mather, Increase, A Narrative of the Miseries of New-England (London, 1688), 6Google Scholar. There was a faction in Whitehall that actually admired Louis XIV's program of consolidation and wanted to emulate it across the realm. In small-scale attacks on the New England frontier before war was officially declared, “the Indians showed clear indications that they had received French assistance” and settlers began to take “refuge in garrison houses” (Stanwood, “Protestant Moment,” 482, 493). Louis XIV did try to enforce Catholicism in New France from 1686 (Bosher, “Huguenot Merchants,” 88).

²⁹ Winthrop, “A Modell of Christian Charity,” in Founding of Massachusetts, ed. Morgan, Edmund (Indianapolis: Bobbs-Merrill, 1964), 196Google Scholar; Van Engen, Sympathetic Puritans, 49–52. As Van Engen has argued, Winthrop thought that rational arguments, or arguments based on need, were inadequate for lasting charity, and hoped for a society of saints whose mutual affection was spirit-inspired.

³⁰ Winthrop, “A Modell of Christian Charity,” 197, 199, 201. The phrase belongs to the pre-Socratic Greek philosopher Empedocles and was applied to the realm of human relations by Erasmus, among others: Van Engen, Sympathetic Puritans, 27.

³¹ Ibid., 39–41, 49, see also 50–56, and for the inadequacy of puritan models of sympathy to bridge transatlantic disputes with brethren in England, see 119.

³² Brown, Peter, The Ransom of the Soul: Afterlife and Wealth in Early Western Christianity (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 2015), 34CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

³³ Foster, Stephen, Their Solitary Way: The Puritan Social Ethic in the First Century of Settlement in New England (New Haven, Conn.: Yale University Press, 1971), 135–152 Google Scholar; Lee, Charles R., “Public Poor Relief and the Massachusetts Community, 1620–1715,” New England Quarterly 55, no. 4 (December 1982): 564–585 CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

³⁴ “My Grandfather [Samuel] Newmans Markes of grace and evidences for heaven,” in John Sparhawk, Notebook [manuscript], American Antiquarian Society.

³⁵ Oakes, Urian, New-England pleaded with. . . . (Cambridge, Mass., 1673), 32Google Scholar.

³⁶ Louis XIV decided to eradicate Protestantism in France for both political and ideological reasons. He had recently neglected to help with the defense of Vienna and had opposed the Pope on bishops’ nominations. Enforcing Catholicism in his territory was a way of proving himself the leader of an international Catholic alliance. Many Huguenots converted to Catholicism under duress. Benedict, Philip, Christ's Churches Purely Reformed: A Social History of Calvinism (New Haven, Conn.: Yale University Press, 2002), 3–4 Google Scholar.

³⁷ Stanwood, Owen, “Between Eden and Empire: Huguenot Refugees and the Promise of New Worlds,” American Historical Review 118, no. 5 (December 2013): 1321CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Butler, Jon, Huguenots in America: A Refugee People in New World Society (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1983), 2–4, 43Google Scholar.

³⁸ For a careful assessment of the number of Huguenot emigrants to America, see Ibid., 41–49.

³⁹ A dozen or so Huguenot families, mostly from the Channel Islands, had emigrated to Salem, Massachusetts starting at least as early as the 1660s. When, in 1661, Jacques Pepin requested permission from the Massachusetts General Court to settle, the Court said no, but that he could remain as long as he respected English trade laws. In 1662, Jean Touton made a similar request on behalf of his community who “are outed & expelled from their habitations & dwellings.” This petition was granted and Touton made his way eventually to Rehoboth. Rachel Dellaclose left La Rochelle in 1660 and finally ended up in Salem in the 1670s, joining the Congregational Church there with the support of letters from Huguenot ministers. In 1680, a small group from her hometown visited Boston in the hopes of negotiating a permanent settlement. They were received favorably, though this particular group did not follow through on their plans. For an example of anglicizing names, Philippe L'Anglois became Philip English. Foster, Their Solitary Way, 141; Shurtleff, Nathaniel, ed., Records of the Governor and Company of Massachusetts Bay (Boston: William White, 1853), vol. 4, part 2, pp. 31, 67Google Scholar; Mass. Archives, 10:208a; Davies, Horton and Davies, Marie-Helee, French Huguenots in English-Speaking Lands (New York: Peter Lang, 2000), 44Google Scholar; Butler, Huguenots in America, 43; Ford, Worthington, “Ezechiel Carré and the French Church in Boston,” Proceedings of the Massachusetts Historical Society 52 (1919): 121–122 Google Scholar.

⁴⁰ This group of refugees had first temporarily fled to England. Mass. Archives, 11:22a; Baird, Charles, History of the Huguenot Emigration (New York: Dodd, Mead & Co., 1885), 1:313–315, 2:194–195Google Scholar; Haefeli and Stanwood, “Jesuits, Huguenots, and the Apocalypse,” 62.

⁴¹ For example, Gabriel Bernon sent a letter to New England describing the situation in his hometown of La Rochelle: “Our temple is condemned, and ra[i]sed, our ministers banished forever, all their goods confiscated, and moreover they are condemned to the fine of [one] thousand crowns. . . . By act of Parliament we are hindered to be masters in any trade or skill. We expect every days the lord gouvernour of Guiene, who shall put souldiers in our houses, and take away our childeren to be offered to the Idol, as they have done in t'others countrys.” His purpose was to ask “what advantages” Huguenots might have in Massachusetts Bay. A few days later, soldiers came to La Rochelle and most of the city recanted verbally under threat of force; the remainder fled or were imprisoned. “An Abridgement of the Afflictions of the French Protestants, and also their Petition, extracted from a Letter written from Rochele the 1st of October 1684,” Thomas Prince Papers, Ms. N-747, MHS; Holmes, A., “Memoir of the French Protestants,” MHS Collections, 3rd ser., vol. 2 (1830): 58Google Scholar.

⁴² July 12, 1686 and August 5, 1686, Council Records of Massachusetts Under the Administration of President Dudley, ed. Toppan, Robert (Boston: MHS, 1900), 257, 265Google Scholar; Baird, History of the Huguenot Emigration, 2:199–201. The July public fast was also directed toward the drought and the “new Government”: “Records of the First Church in Salem,” in White, Daniel A., New England Congregationalism (Salem, 1861), 93Google Scholar.

⁴³ “Reverend Samuel Danforth's Records of the First Church in Roxbury, Mass.,” ed. Trask, William B., in New England Historic Genealogical Register 34 (1880), 165Google Scholar; “Records of the First Church in Salem,” 93.

⁴⁴ Nathaniel Mather was a pastor in Dublin. “Reverend John Eliot's Records of the First Church in Roxbury, Mass.,” November 26, 1676, ed. Trask, William B., New England Historic Genealogical Register 33 (1879): 414Google Scholar.

⁴⁵ Rehoboth is near Providence but was part of Massachusetts Bay. Letter from Elisha Hutchinson and John Saffin to Gov. Hinckley, December 5, 1686, Thomas Prince Papers, Ms. N-747, MHS.

⁴⁶ “Records of the First Church in Salem,” 93; Bentley, William, “A description and history of Salem,” MHS Collections, 1st ser., vol. 6 (1799): 265Google Scholar.

⁴⁷ It is possible that this is also a theological statement that those who are generous are blessed.

⁴⁸ John Saffin, His Book, 1665–1708: A Collection of Various Matters of Divinity Law and State Affairs Epitomized Both in Verse and Prose, ed. Hazard, Caroline (New York: Harbor Press, 1928), 126–127 Google Scholar.

⁴⁹ Stanwood, “Between Eden and Empire,” 1335–1336.

⁵⁰ Merritt, Percival, “The French Protestant Church in Boston,” Publications of the Colonial Society of Massachusetts 26 (1926): 323–329 Google Scholar. Probably with the aid of local Congregationalist ministers, the Boston Church petitioned to meet at the Boston Latin Schoolhouse, which they were granted in November of 1687 (Mass. Archives, 11:42; Baird, History of the Huguenot Emigration, 2:221). They petitioned for their own building, but were not successful until 1715.

⁵¹ Pierre Daille to Increase Mather, May 2, 1686, in Baird, History of the Huguenot Emigration, Appendix, 2:399.

⁵² Whitmore, William Henry, ed. The Andros Tracts (New York: Burt Franklin, 1869), 2:37Google Scholar.

⁵³ Merritt, “The French Protestant Church in Boston,” 326–327; Church of Kingston to the Classis of Amsterdam, August 30, 1690, in Ecclesiastical Records, State of New York (Albany, N.Y.: James B. Lyon, 1901), 2:1005Google Scholar.

⁵⁴ Daille to Mather, May 2, 1686, in Baird, History of the Huguenot Emigration, Appendix, 2:399.

⁵⁵ Potter, Elisha, Early History of Narragansett (Providence: Marshall, Brown and Company, 1835), 60Google Scholar.

⁵⁶ Simon Bradstreet, [John Saffin, and Elisha Hutchinson], An advertisement: Whereas the lands of Narrhaganset, and Niantick Countryes, and parts adjacent, are places very pleasant and fertile . . . These are therefore to certifie & inform all Christian people, that are willing or may be desirous to settle themselves in a regular way of townships on the said lands, that they may please to apply themselves to the subscribers hereof in Boston ([Boston?]: [John Foster?], 1678); Advertisement: For as much as by His Majesty's gracious care, his immediate government is now settled, and such regulations like to be speedily made in the Narraganset Countrey or Kings-Province . . . and the proprietors being desireous speedily to encourage the regular settlement of a town . . . have appointed a meeting . . . on the 23d, 24th, & 25th of this instant June . . . Richard Wharton, Elisha Hutchinson, John Saffin, at Boston (Boston, 1686).

⁵⁷ Richard Smith Jr. to John Winthrop Jr., June 18, 1678, in Daniel Berkeley Updike, Richard Smith: First English Settler of the Narragansett country, Rhode Island, with a series of letters written by his son, Richard Smith, Jr. (Boston: Merrymount Press, 1937), 115Google Scholar.

⁵⁸ Potter, Elisha R., Memoir Concerning the French Settlements (Providence: Sydney Rider, 1879), 11Google Scholar. The signers of the deed were Wharton, Hutchinson, and Saffin on the Atherton side, and Carré and Pierre le Breton on the Huguenot side.

⁵⁹ Fisher, E. T., trans., Report of a French Protestant Refugee in Boston (Brooklyn, N.Y.: J. C. Brevoort, 1868), 17–18 Google Scholar.

⁶⁰ Kamil, Neil, Fortress of the Soul: Violence, Metaphysics, and Material Life in the Huguenots’ New World, 1517–1751 (Baltimore, Md.: Johns Hopkins University Press, 2005), 5CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

⁶¹ Order of November 23, 1686: “That thirty pound of the mony raised by the publicque Contribution resting in the hands of Elisha Hutchinson Esquire be paid to the Committee for manageing the affaires of the Narragansett Country to be by them remitted to Major Richard Smith and otherwise as they judge expedient disposed off for the supply and reliffe of the poor French People that are aboute to settle in the Narragansett Country.” “Council Records Under Dudley,” Proceedings of the Massachusetts Historical Society, 2nd ser., 13 (1899–1900): 280.

⁶² “Records of the French Church at Narragansett, 1686 to 1691,” The New York Genealogical and Biographical Record 70, no. 3 (July 1939): 237Google Scholar.

⁶³ Ibid., 241.

⁶⁴ Ibid., 359–360.

⁶⁵ Ibid., 240, 360–361; “Records of the French Church at Narragansett, 1686 to 1691,” The New York Genealogical and Biographical Record 71, no. 1 (1940): 52–53, 56Google Scholar. The consistory of the French Church in London dealt with similar issues (Hintermaier, “First Modern Refugees?,” 444).

⁶⁶ “Records of the French Church at Narragansett, 1686 to 1691,” (1939): 364–365.

⁶⁷ Very little is known about these men or their families. A local historian, Martha McPartland, claims they were “solicitors, hatters, shoemakers, stone masons, carpenters and farmers,” who “came of English, Irish and Welsh stock.” There is no record of a church or minister in this early period. It is probable that some were Baptists, and, interestingly, the group included Charles Macarthy [McCarthy], one of the first Irish settlers in New England. McCarthy had fled Ireland during the Cromwellian suppression of Catholics in the 1650s, and spent time on St. Christopher's (Saint Kitts) before settling in Rhode Island. He served in King Philip's War and was made a freeman in 1679. It is not known whether he continued as a Catholic—his will mentions a brother in Spain, but also demonstrates very close relationships to his Protestant East Greenwich neighbors. Bartlett, John Russell, ed. Records of the Colony of Rhode Island (Providence, 1857), 2:574–575 Google Scholar; McPartland, Martha R., History of East Greenwich, Rhode Island, 1677–1960 (East Greenwich, R.I.: E. Greenwich Free Library Association, 1960), 16Google Scholar; see also Greene, D. H., History of the Town of East Greenwich (Providence: J. A. & R. A. Reid, 1877), 9–10 Google Scholar. For McCarthy, see Conley, Patrick and Smith, Matthew J., Catholicism in Rhode Island: The Formative Era (Providence, R.I.: Diocese of Providence, 1976), 6Google Scholar.

⁶⁸ A member of the Boston French Church wrote in 1688: “As for Papists, I have discovered since being here eight or ten, three of whom are French and come to our Church, and the others are Irish; with the Exception of the Surgeon who has a Family, the others are here only in Passage.” Fisher, trans., Report of a French Protestant Refugee in Boston, 30.

⁶⁹ Bosher, “Huguenot Merchants,” 94. For example, Gabriel Bernon's brother, Samuel, had converted to Catholicism and stayed at La Rochelle. The French in Acadia had particularly strong trading ties with Boston in the early eighteenth century.

⁷⁰ Bartlett, ed., Records of the Colony of Rhode Island, 3:264.

⁷¹ “Records of the French Church at Narragansett, 1686 to 1691” (1940): 52; Butler, Huguenots in America, 73–75; Baird, History of the Huguenot Emigration, 2:297.

⁷² Walter would marry Sarah Mather (daughter of Increase Mather) in 1691.

⁷³ For the story behind the printing of Carré’s Enchantillon, see Haefeli and Stanwood, “Jesuits, Huguenots, and the Apocalypse,” 59–70.

⁷⁴ Advertisement, Letter to John Pastre in Carré, Ezechiel, The Charitable Samaritan (Boston, 1689)Google Scholar.

⁷⁵ Ibid.; see also Hintermaier, “The First Modern Refugees?,” 429; Haefeli and Stanwood, “Jesuits, Huguenots, and the Apocalypse,” 68–69.

⁷⁶ Cotton Mather, preface to Charitable Samaritan, by Carré, 1.

⁷⁷ Gwynn, Robin, “The Huguenots of Britain, the ‘Protestant International’ and the Defeat of Louis XIV,” in From Strangers to Citizens: The Integration of Immigrant Communities in Britain, Ireland, and Colonial America, 1550–1750, ed. Vigne, Randolph and Littleton, Charles (Portland, Oreg.: Sussex Academic, 2001), 420Google Scholar. For James II's stance on Huguenots, including his claim that he burned the book as a pro-monarchy statement, see Sowerby, Scott, Making Toleration: The Repealers and the Glorious Revolution (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 2013), 27CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

⁷⁸ “Extract of a Paper intitled An humble Memorial of the present condition of the Dissenters in New England,” CO 1/67, no. 58. July 1688, Colonial State Papers Online, http://search.proquest.com/csp.

⁷⁹ Jurieu, Pierre, The Accomplishment of Scripture Prophecies (London, 1687), 2.236Google Scholar. For Cotton Mather's apocalypticism, drawing on Joseph Mede as well as Jurieu, see Middlekauf, Robert, The Mathers: Three Generations of Puritan Intellectuals (New York: Oxford University Press, 1971), 333Google Scholar; Randall, Catherine, From a Far Country: Camisards and Huguenots in the Atlantic World (Athens: University of Georgia Press, 2009), 88–89 Google Scholar; Haefeli and Stanwood, “Jesuits, Huguenots, and the Apocalypse,” 79–80.

⁸⁰ Samuel Cradock to Increase Mather, March 21, 1688/89, in MHS Collections, 4th ser., vol. 8 (1868): 643–644; and Samuel Baker to Increase Mather, 1687, in MHS Collections, 4th ser., vol. 8 (1868): 514.

⁸¹ Cotton Mather, preface to Charitable Samaritan, by Carré, 2–4. Cotton Mather would spend much of his life promoting charity, and gave generously to the poor out of his own means (Foster, Solitary Way, 149). Randall argues that his ecstatic piety may have been influenced by Camisard spirituality (From a Far Country, 82–85).

⁸² Jurieu supported the Glorious Revolution, was more tolerant of deceit if in service of the church, and leaned towards republicanism; Bayle wanted Huguenots to reconcile with the French king and was ethically stricter: Rex, Walter, Essays on Pierre Bayle and Religious Controversy (The Hague: Martinus Nijhoff, 1965), 244–246, 252–253 CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Dodge, Guy Howard, The Political Theory of the Huguenots of the Dispersion: With Special Reference to the Thought and Influence of Pierre Jurieu (New York: Columbia University Press, 1947), 19–20, 95CrossRefGoogle Scholar. Haefeli and Stanwood assume that Carré was a follower of Jurieu and highlight sections in Enchantillon where he identifies locusts with Jesuits and mentions his sermons on this theme (“Jesuits, Huguenots, and the Apocalypse,” 66, 110, 116). It is true that Carré associated Jesuits with Antichrist. However, most Calvinists identified the locusts with the “Popes clergie” following the Geneva Bible notes for Rev. 9 (London, 1560), and in Enchantillon, Carré also advocates a strict ethical standard like Bayle: “I would like to be so bold as to suggest that the liberty to steal little things is a path that opens up the way to big things and that those who steal a little eventually steal a lot” (117). The idea that Carré was a moderate who wanted to reconcile both groups, as well as that Cotton Mather encouraged his apocalyptic interpretations, as Haefeli and Stanwood suggest (66–67, 87), are both likely interpretations.

⁸³ Calvin, John, Commentary on a Harmony of the Evangelists, Matthew, Mark, and Luke, trans. Pringle, William (Edinburgh: Calvin Translation Society, 1846), 3: 62Google Scholar; For Calvin's own handling of the refugee crisis of the mid-sixteenth century in Geneva, and the work of the Geneva hospital in caring for “poor strangers,” see Naphy, William, “Calvin's Church in Geneva,” Calvin and His Influence, ed. Backus, Irena and Benedict, Philip (New York: Oxford University Press, 2011), 114–115 Google Scholar; Chung-Kim, Esther, “John Calvin on Poverty and Wealth,” in Calvinus Pastor Ecclesiae, ed. Selderhuis, Herman and Huijsen, Arnold (Gottingen: Vandenhoeck and Ruprecht, 2016), 261–272 Google Scholar.

⁸⁴ Carré, Charitable Samaritan, 5. Catherine Randall argues that here “Carré went quite far in legitimizing the Camisards’ armed resistance to Louis XIV's dragoons, using the beaten man as a cipher for the Camisards” (From a Far Country, 93). However, the “magnificent Garbs” complicate this reading. More likely, Carré is making the point that all human beings are sinful—there is no such thing as an innocent sufferer.

⁸⁵ Carré, Charitable Samaritan, 4–6.

⁸⁶ Ibid., 8, see also 21–22. The opposite of true piety is also the “Unjust Merchant” who tries by “a thousand Frauds, and a thousand subtile shifts in thy Dealing, to enjoy the Goods of thy Brother” (22).

⁸⁷ Calvin, Commentary on a Harmony of the Evangelists, 3:62–63. In Carré’s sermon, the robbers included not only the Devil, but also thieving “passions” which “were in his heart as in a hidden place, and therefore he had no mistrust of them; so that he fell through inadvertency into their Snares,” (Carré, Charitable Samaritan, 10–11).

⁸⁸ Ibid., 11, 20.

⁸⁹ Calvin, Commentary on a Harmony of the Evangelists, 3:62–63.

⁹⁰ Carré, Charitable Samaritan, 13, 15–16.

⁹¹ Ibid., 18, 23–25.

⁹² Winthrop agreed on this point: “He that gives to the poore lends to the lord, and he will repay him even in this life an hundred fold to him or his” (“A Modell of Christian Charity,” 193; Matthew 13:23; Mark 10:30). Brown, Ransom of the Soul, 29; see also 25–33 for the ways a transfer of earthly treasure to heaven has been interpreted in the history of Christianity; Hill, Christopher, “Puritans and the Poor,” Past & Present 2 (November 1952): 43CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Anderson, Gary, Charity: The Place of the Poor in the Biblical Tradition (New Haven, Conn.: Yale University Press, 2013), 9Google Scholar;  Carré, Charitable Samaritan, 25.

⁹³ Fiering, Norman S., “Irresistible Compassion: An Aspect of Eighteenth-Century Sympathy and Humanitarianism,” Journal of the History of Ideas 37, no. 2 (April–June 1976): 196CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

⁹⁴ Calvin, Jean, The sermons of M. Iohn Caluin vpon the fifth booke of Moses called Deuteronomie (London, 1583): 576Google Scholar; Tuininga, Matthew J., “Good News for the Poor: An Analysis of Calvin's Concept of Poor Relief and the Diaconiate in Light of His Two Kingdoms Paradigm,” Calvin Theological Journal 49, no. 2 (November 2014): 229Google Scholar.

⁹⁵ Winthrop, “A Modell of Christian Charity,” 192.

⁹⁶ Rhode Islanders had also harassed previous settlers in Narragansett. As early as 1665, Richard Smith Jr. had written to John Winthrop Jr.: “We are here att Naragansett much abused by Rode Ilanders and they ware wicked men, they having cutt downe sum mens grase by theyr dores within theyr inclosed grounds. . . . We all resolved to stand together as on[e] man and to make and poses the haye that they had cutt, which we did, meting alltogether resolving to opose all that shall molest us in our bisnes. We had as good lose our lives as livlywod: besyds we are left under a gouvment that that cannot govverne themselves.” Smith knew that the only way to resist these Rhode Islanders, who were probably Warwick men, was to organize resistance. Winthrop Jr. considered the Narragansett territory part of Connecticut. Richard Smith Jr. to John Winthrop Jr., August 7, 1665, printed in Updike, Richard Smith, 80–81.

⁹⁷ Sydney James has described most Rhode Islanders in the late 1670s as “refugees” themselves. Colonial Rhode Island: A History (New York: Scribner, 1975), 104–111 Google Scholar.

⁹⁸ John Fones and Richard Smith Jr. placed so little faith in a functioning Rhode Island government during these years that they organized their own independent militia. Concerned about anarchy and French or Native attack, they proposed “a convenient Company of men at our owne cost and charge, to Range the woods above the Townes” for mutual protection. They were still hoping to disassociate from Rhode Island altogether, preferring a government like Connecticut's. John Fones, Letter, Ms. 9003 V: 30, Rhode Island Historical Society, Providence, R.I.

⁹⁹ Andros temporarily gave half the land to the English “who live remote and are most wanting thereof” and half to the French “who, being strangers, and lately settled, and wholly destitute, and have no other way to supply themselves.” After reviewing the case, Andros sided with Rhode Island; however, the Atherton Company's claim was soon settled as well. While they did not get all the territory they claimed, they did get a series of grants, which included the piece sold to the Huguenots. Andros's letter lists as the Rhode Islanders “John Nicholes, Gyles Pierce and George Vaughan of Greenwich . . . James Reynolds, Jun'r, Henry Reynolds, Joseph Reynolds, Francis Reynolds, John Swett, William Bentley, John Andrew, and George Haven, of Kingston.” Andros to Major Richard Smith and Captain Fones, Justice of the Peace, August 5, 1687, in Bartlett, ed., Records of the Colony of Rhode Island, 3:228; Baird, History of the Huguenot Emigration, 2:293–302; James, Colonial Rhode Island, 108–109.

¹⁰⁰ Letter from Isaac Addington to the Inhabitants of East Greenwich, Boston, May 3, 1689, Ms. 9001, Rhode Island Historical Society. See also Mass. Archives, 11:45.

¹⁰¹ “Records of the French Church at Narragansett, 1686 to 1691” (1940): 54–57.

¹⁰² Ibid., 58, 60.

¹⁰³ There was some disagreement between Carré and the Boston Huguenots over unknown “disorderly conduct.” The records for the French Church in London for May 31, 1691 read, “Mr Carré came to justify himself against the accusations made against him in a letter from the elders of the church of Boston, of which he had previously been a minister. He read a long statement containing many facts impossible to verify at such a distance. The Consistory told him it suspends judgement and prays God to console him in his trial and to show forth his innocence if he is innocent.” Gwynn, Robin, ed., Minutes of the Consistory of the French Church of London, Threadneedle Street, 1679–1692 (London: Huguenot Society of Great Britain and Ireland, 1994), 333, 335Google Scholar.

¹⁰⁴ Moody, Robert Earle and Simmons, Richard Clive, eds., The Glorious Revolution in Massachusetts: Selected Documents, 1689–1692 (Boston: Colonial Society of Massachusetts, 1988), 343–344 Google Scholar.

¹⁰⁵ Mass. Archives, 11:65; Hintermaier, “First Modern Refugees?,” 437.

¹⁰⁶ Holmes, “Memoir of the French Protestants,” 69; Gwynn, “Huguenots of Britain,” 414. Oxford would be devastated by Native attack in 1696, though surrounding towns did come to their aid. For the Dutch response, see Hintermaier, “First Modern Refugees?,” 442. Huguenots supported William and Anne's “Glorious Revolution” financially, and least 1,400 Huguenot officers would serve under them (Gwynn, “Huguenots of Britain,” 413; Bosher, “Huguenot Merchants,” 98).

¹⁰⁷ When Pierre Baudouin was granted 100 acres of land in Casco (present-day Portland), Maine from Governor Andros in 1687, the surveyor withheld the patent. Petition of Pierre Baudouin to Governor Andros, printed in Prime, Temple, Some Account of the Bowdoin Family (New York, 1887)Google Scholar, Appendix. The Huguenot James Thomas's ship was seized in 1687, with a delay before the case was resolved. Mass. Archives, 11:41. Ayrault's family stayed in Rhode Island and continued to experience harassment. See transcriptions of Ayrault letters of 1700 in Potter, Memoir Concerning the French Settlements, 26–28.

¹⁰⁸ Diary of Cotton Mather, 309; Sewall, Samuel, “Diary,” MHS Collections, 5th ser., vol. 5 (1878): 491Google Scholar.

¹⁰⁹ Baird, Huguenot Emigration to America, 2:234–238.

¹¹⁰ For exogamy, see Butler, Huguenots in America, 81–84; Randall, From a Far Country, 89, 99. Merchant families, like the Boudouins and Faneuils, became part of the New England elite. The grandson of Pierre Boudouin, James Bowdoin, would become the Governor of Massachusetts.

¹¹¹ Kidd, Thomas S., “‘Let Hell and Rome Do Their Worst’: World News, Anti-Catholicism, and International Protestantism in Early-Eighteenth-Century Boston,” New England Quarterly 76, no. 2 (June 2003): 275–276 CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

¹¹² Andrew [André] Le Mercier, dedication to Treatise Against Detraction (Boston, 1733), iiiGoogle Scholar; Carlo, Paula Wheeler, “Huguenot Identity and Protestant Unity in Colonial Massachusetts: The Reverend André Le Mercier and the ‘Sociable Spirit,’” Historical Journal of Massachusetts 40, no. 1–2 (Summer 2012): 136Google Scholar.

¹¹³ This “Discourse” was a part of another attempt by Mather to address suspicion of Huguenots in 1697, in the midst of heated border skirmishes with French and French-allied Natives. Mather determined to print a recent letter from Elias Neau, a Huguenot imprisoned in France. He thought that arranging for the translation and printing of this “excellent Letter, full of divine Rarities . . . by a pious Confessor of the reformed Religion . . . would bee a very charming way to do good, throughout all this Countrey, and to diffuse the Spirit of Christianitie wonderfully” (Diary of Cotton Mather, 238). It was printed as A Present From a Farr Countrey, to the People of New England (Boston, 1698), prefaced by Mather's discourse in French, “addressed unto the French Church in this Town, advising them as prudently as I was able, to reform Things, that are amiss among them” (Diary of Cotton Mather, 239). Mather continued to pray for Neau until hearing of his release in 1699 (Diary of Cotton Mather, 238–239, 300, 301), and prayed for French Protestants regularly (Diary of Cotton Mather, 200, 205, 207, 225, 260, 302).

¹¹⁴ Cotton Mather, commentary on Luke 10, Biblia Americana, Cotton Mather Papers, MHS.

¹¹⁵ Christine Heyrman, “The Fashion Among More Superior People: Charity and Social Change in Provincial New England, 1700–1740,” American Quarterly 34, no. 2 (Summer 1982): 111–112. For the tension among modes of charity in early modern London, see Ward, Joseph, Culture, Faith, and Philanthropy: Londoners and Provincial Reform in Early Modern England (New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2013), 14–26 CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

¹¹⁶ William Walwyn urged the House of Commons to take on the role of the Samaritan, pouring oil to heal the wounds of England by including Separatists and giving “Liberty of Conscience” to people “of what opinion soever” as long as not “dangerous to the state.” Walwyn, The Compassionate Samaritane (London, 1644), 4–5 Google Scholar; see also his castigation of the Westminster Assembly of Divines on pp. 53–54. The moderate puritan Thomas Bedford called Walwyn's understanding of human psychology full of errors—whereas Walwyn said people could not help holding heretical opinions, in truth heresy was an act of the will as well as the understanding. Bedford's rebuttal had the imprimatur of John Downame. Thomas Bedford, An examination of a pamphlet lately published, intituled The compassionate Samaritan, appended to Bedford, An examination of the chief points of Antinomianism (London, 1647), 74Google Scholar.

¹¹⁷ Griffith, Matthew, The Samaritan Revived (London, 1660), 5Google Scholar; Milton, John, Brief Notes upon a Late Sermon (London, 1660), 12–13 Google Scholar.