¹ Feldman, Allen, Formations of Violence: The Narrative of the Body and Political Terror in Northern Ireland (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1991), esp. 17–45CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

² On violence connected to bishops and episcopal elections, see debate among MacMullen, Ramsay, “The Historical Role of the Masses in Late Antiquity,” in Changes in the Roman Empire: Essays in the Ordinary (Princeton, N.J.: Princeton University Press, 1990), 250–76, esp. 265–76Google Scholar on real, widespread, and novel violence; on rhetorically exaggerated violence that was limited in practice, see McLynn, Neil, “Christian Controversy and Violence in the Fourth Century,” Kodai 3 (1992), 15–44Google Scholar; on bishops functioning within traditional power structures, see Testa, Rita Lizzi, “Discordia in urbe: pagani e cristiani in rivolta,” in Pagani e cristiani da Giuliano l'Apostata al sacco di Roma, ed. Consolino, Franca Ela (Messina: Rubbettino, 1995), 115–40Google Scholar; and MacMullen, Ramsay, “Cultural and Political Changes in the 4th and 5th Centuries,” Historia 52 (2003), 465–95Google Scholar, esp. 478–95 for a rebuttal.

³ See for example, Waszink, J. H., “Pompa diaboli,” Vigiliae Christianae 1 (1947): 13–41CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Weisman, Werner, Kirche und Schauspiele: die Schauspiele im Urteil der lateinischen Kirchenväter unter besonderer Berücksichtigung von Augustin (Würzburg: Augustinus-Verlag, 1972)Google Scholar; Jürgens, Heiko, Pompa Diaboli: die lateinischen Kirchenväter und das antike Theater (Stuttgart: Kohlhammer, 1972), esp. 216–20Google Scholar; Binder, Gerhard, “Pompa diaboli—Das Heidenspektakel und die Christenmoral,” in Das antike Theater: Aspekte seiner Geschichte, Rezeption und Aktualität, eds. Binder, Gerhard and Effe, Bernd (Trier: WVT Wissenschaftlicher Verlag Trier, 1998), 115–47Google Scholar; Kahlos, Maijastina, Debate and Dialogue: Christian and Pagan Cultures c. 360–430 (Burlington, Vt.: Ashgate, 2007), 113–36Google Scholar.

⁴ Hinard, François, “Rome dans Rome,” in Rome: l'espace urbain & ses représentations, eds. Hinard, François and Royo, Manuel (Paris: Presse de l'Université de Paris-Sorbonne, 1991), 31–54Google Scholar; Beard, Mary, North, John, and Price, Simon, Religions of Rome, Volume 1: A History (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1998), 75Google Scholar.

⁵ MacMullen, “Historical Role of Masses,” 272; Haas, Christopher, Alexandria in Late Antiquity: Topography and Social Conflict (Baltimore, Md.: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1997), 81–90Google Scholar on Alexandrine processions generally, 268–77 on Arians and topography, and on 278–330 intra-Christian violence; and Galvao-Sobrinho, Carlos, “Embodied Theologies: Christian Identity and Violence in Alexandria in the Early Arian Controversy,” in Violence in Late Antiquity: Perceptions and Practices, ed. Drake, H. A. (Burlington, Vt.: Ashgate, 2006), 321–31Google Scholar. Even Melitians, a group of Egyptian Christians condemned as schismatic by bishop Athanasius, may have exhumed the bodies of martyrs and then paraded with them to their parish churches, on which see Brakke, David, “‘Outside the Places, Within the Truth’: Athanasius of Alexandria and the Localization of the Holy,” in Pilgrimage and Holy Space in Late Antique Egypt, ed. Frankfurter, David (Leiden, Netherlands: Brill, 1998), 445–81, esp. 463–68Google Scholar.

⁶ On late ancient Christian public ceremonial in Constantinople see with references, Baldovin, John F., The Urban Character of Christian Worship: The Origins, Development, and Meaning of Stational Liturgy (Rome: Pont. Institutum Studiorum Orientalium, 1987), esp. 205–26Google Scholar; Bauer, Franz Alto, “Urban Space and Ritual: Constantinople in Late Antiquity,” Acta ad archaeologiam et artium historiam pertinentia 15 (2001): 27–59CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Brubaker, Leslie, “Topography and the Creation of Public Space in Early Medieval Constantinople,” in Topographies of Power in the Early Middle Ages, eds. de Jong, Mayke, Theuws, Frans, and van Rhijn, Carine (Leiden, Netherlands: Brill, 2001), 31–43Google Scholar; Andrade, Nathanael, “The Processions of John Chrysostom and the Contested Spaces of Constantinople,” Journal of Early Christian Studies 18 (2010): 161–89CrossRefGoogle Scholar; and on local constituencies that determined Constantinopolitan episcopal elections, see Van Nuffelen, Peter, “Episcopal Succession in Constantinople (381–450 C.E.): The Local Dynamics of Power,” Journal of Early Christian Studies 18 (2010): 425–51CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

⁷ Augustine, Ad Donatistas post Collationem 25.43 and Gesta Coll. Carth. 1.14.7–11 and 29.2–4, cited and discussed by Mitchell, Stephen, A History of the Later Roman Empire, AD 284–641: The Transformation of the Ancient World (Malden, Mass.: Blackwell, 2007), 280–82Google Scholar.

⁸ Augustine, Ep. 91.8 in Nicene and Post-Nicene Fathers Volume 1, First Series, trans. Cunningham, J. G., ed. Schaff, Philip (Peabody, Mass.: Hendriksen, 1994 [orig. 1886])Google Scholar. On violence in North Africa, see with references Shaw, Brent. D., “Who were the Circumcellions?,” in Vandals, Romans and Berbers: New Perspectives on Late Antique North Africa, ed. Merrills, Andrew. H. (Burlington, Vt.: Ashgate, 2004), 227–58Google Scholar; Riggs, David, “Christianizing the Rural Communities of Late Roman Africa: A Process of Coercion or Persuasion?,” in Drake, Violence in Late Antiquity, 297–308Google Scholar; and Kaufman, Peter Iver, “Donatism Revisited: Moderates and Militants in Late Antique North Africa,” Journal of Late Antiquity 2 (2009): 131–42CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

⁹ See generally, Gaddis, Michael, There Is No Crime for Those Who Have Christ: Religious Violence in the Christian Roman Empire (Berkeley: University of California Press, 2005)Google Scholar.

¹⁰ Baldovin, Urban Character of Christian Worship, 165: “There is simply no hard evidence for such Christian processions prior to the sixth century.” See also appendix to Saxer, Victor, “L'utilisation par la liturgie de l'espace urbain et suburbain: L'exemple de Rome dans l'Antiquité et le Haut Moyen Âge,” in Actes du XIe Congrès international d'archéologie chrétienne: Lyon, Vienne, Grenoble, Genéve et Aoste (21–28 septembre 1986), 3 vols., eds. Duval, Noël, Baritel, Françoise, and Pergola, Philippe (Rome: École française de Rome, 1989): 2:917–1033Google Scholar.

¹¹ Zosimus 5.41.1–3; Sozomen 9.6.3–6; and Olympiodorus fr. 6, the original source for both Zosimus and Sozomen. In general, scholars tend to be very skeptical of Zosimus, not only because he was writing well after and at a great distance from the events, but primarily because he was a “pagan” and so considered a hostile witness. In this case, the bishop of Rome comes off rather well, which may argue for the legitimacy of this anecdote.

¹² On the varieties of Christian practices and limitations of episcopal authority, see Maier, Harry O., “The Topography of Heresy and Dissent in Late-Fourth-Century Rome,” Historia 44 (1995): 232–49Google Scholar; Bowes, Kim, Private Worship, Public Values, and Religious Change in Late Antiquity (New York: Cambridge University Press, 2008), 61–103Google Scholar; Sessa, Kristina, “Christianity and the cubiculum: Spiritual Politics and Domestic Space in Late Antique,” Journal of Early Christian Studies 15 (2007): 171–204CrossRefGoogle Scholar; and Kate Cooper and Julia Hillner, “Introduction,” Kristina Sessa, “Domestic Conversions: Households and Bishops in the Late Antique ‘Papal Legends,’” Kate Cooper, “Poverty, Obligation, and Inheritance: Roman Heiresses and the Varieties of Senatorial Christianity in Fifth-Century Rome,” and Hillner, Julia, “Families, Patronage, and the Titular Churches of Rome, c. 300–c. 600,” in Religion, Dynasty, and Patronage in Early Christian Rome, 300–900, eds. Cooper, Kate and Hillner, Julia (New York: Cambridge University Press, 2007), 1–18, 79–114, 165–89, and 225–61Google Scholar, respectively.

¹³ Wickham, Chris, The Inheritance of Rome: Illuminating the Dark Ages, 400–1000 (New York: Penguin, 2010), 28–30, esp. 29Google Scholar; and, for a brief but incisive treatment of the later Roman elite, Wickham, Chris, Framing the Middle Ages: Europe and the Mediterranean, 400–800 (New York: Oxford University Press, 2005), 155–68CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

¹⁴ For the wealth of late Roman aristocracy, see Jones, A. H. M., The Later Roman Empire, 284–602: A Social, Economic, and Administrative Survey, 2 vols. (Baltimore, Md.: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1964, repr. 1986), 1.554–57Google Scholar and, on ecclesiastical wealth, see 2.894–910. John Matthews calculates that the wealthiest senators received annual cash incomes of 300,000 solidi, the middle rank 100,000, with an additional third to be added to both to account for surplus produce (Western Aristocracies and Imperial Court AD 364–425 [Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1975], 384). Betrand Lançon gives 370,000 solidi as the annual income for a great family and at 99–101 an annual church income of 30,000 solidi (Rome in Late Antiquity: Everyday Life and Urban Change, AD 312–609, trans. Antonia Nevill [New York: Routledge, 1995, repr. 2000], 63–5). For Roman ecclesiastical wealth, see Pietri, C., Roma Christiana 2 vols. (Rome: École française de Rome, 1976): 1.77–96Google Scholar on fourth to early-fifth century ecclesial economics; “Evergétisme et richesses ecclésiastiques dans l'Italie du IVe à la fin du Ve s.: l'example romain,” in Christiana Respublica, 3 vols (Rome: École française de Rome, 1997): 2.813–33Google Scholar. Hunt, D., “The Church as Public Institution,” in Cambridge Ancient History, 2nd edition, vol. 13, eds. Cameron, Av. and Garnsey, P. (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1998), 261Google Scholar, notes that the wealth of church of Antioch in the mid-4th century equaled that of wealthier but not the wealthiest individuals. Lastly, as Noble, Thomas F. X., “Topography, Celebration, and Power,” in Jong et al., Topographies of Power in the Early Middle Ages, 46–7Google Scholar, put it for the years around 500 C.E., even “[i]f the emperors were gone, the great families were still there, and the popes were not especially prominent.”

¹⁵ Matthews, Western Aristocracies and Imperial Court, 277, see generally 276–78 and Wickham, Framing the Early Middle Ages, 162–63. The annual income of the church at Rome, approx. 30,000 solidi translates to just over 400 lbs of gold (on which see above n14).

¹⁶ Jones, Later Roman Empire, 1.555.

¹⁷ Heather, Peter, “New Men for new Constantines? Creating an imperial elite in the eastern Mediterranean,” in New Constantines: The Rhythm of Imperial Renewal in Byzantium, 4th–13th centuries, ed. Magdalino, P. (Brookfield, Vt.: Ashgate 1994), 11–33Google Scholar.

¹⁸ Humphries, M., “Roman Senators and Absent Emperors in Late Antiquity,” Acta ad archaeologiam et artium historiam pertinentia 17 n.s. 3 (2003): 27–46CrossRefGoogle Scholar and Cooper and Hillner, “Introduction,” on papal teleology.

¹⁹ Brown, T. S., Gentlemen and Officers: Imperial Administration and Aristocratic Power in Byzantine Italy, A.D. 554–800 (London: British School at Rome, 1984)Google Scholar, esp. chapter 2, and Heather, Peter, “Senators and Senates,” in Cambridge Ancient History, 2nd edition, vol. 13, eds. Cameron, Av. and Garnsey, P. (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1998), 184–210Google Scholar, emphasizing wealth as a counter-balance to restricted political paths in the creation of power and influence. Arnheim, M. T. W., The Senatorial Aristocracy in the Later Roman Empire (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1972)Google Scholar argues for greater aristocratic participations. See Matthews, Western Aristocracies and Imperial Court, 359 aristocrats at court.

²⁰ Amm. Marc. 27.11.1: ad regendam praefecturam praetorianam ab urbe Probus accitus, claritudine generis et potentia et opum amplitudine cognitus orbi Romano, per quem universum paene patrimonia sparsa possedit, trans. Rolfe, John C., Loeb Classical Library (1939)Google Scholar.

²¹ Barnish, S. J. B., “Transformation and Survival of the Western Senatorial Aristocracy, c. A.D. 400–700,” Papers of the British School at Rome 56 (1988): 120–55CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Noble, Thomas F. X., “The Roman Elite from Constantine to Charlemagne,” Acta ad archaeologiam et artium historiam pertinentia 17 n.s. 3 (2003): 13–25CrossRefGoogle Scholar; and also Burgarella, F., “Il Senato,” in Roma nell'alto Medioevo (Spoleto: CISAM, 2001): 121–75Google Scholar.

²² See Humphries, Mark, “From Emperor to Pope? Ceremonial, space, and authority at Rome from Constantine to Gregory the Great,” in Cooper, and Hillner, , Religion, Dynasty, and Patronage, 21–58Google Scholar.

²³ Lim, Richard “People as Power,” in The Transformation of the Urbs Roma in Late Antiquity, ed. Harris, W. V. (Portsmouth, R.I.: Journal of Roman Archaeology, 1999), 265–81Google Scholar and Harries, Jill, “Favor populi; pagans, Christians and public entertainment in late Antique Italy,” in Bread and Circuses: euergetism and municipal patronage in Roman Italy, eds. Lomas, Kathryn and Cornell, Tim (New York: Routledge, 2003): 125–41Google Scholar.

²⁴ Cassiodorus, Variae 5.42 (venationes [animal hunt] in 523); Ward-Perkins, Bryan, From Classical Antiquity to the Middle Ages: Urban Public Building in Northern and Central Italy AD 300–850 (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1984), 111–16Google Scholar; and Orlandi, S., “Le iscrizioni del Colosseo come base documentaria per lo studio del senato tardoantico,” in Le trasformazioni delle élites in età tardoantica: atti del convegno internazionale, Perugia, 15–16 marzo 2004, ed. Testa, Rita Lizzi (Rome: “L'Erma” di Bretscheider, 2006), 311–24Google Scholar.

²⁵ CIL 6.526 on which see Machado, Carlos, “Religion as Antiquarianism: Pagan Dedications in Late Antique Rome,” in Dediche sacre nel mondo greco-romano: diffusione, funzioni, tipologie, eds. Bodel, John and Kajava, Mika (Rome: Institutum Romanum Finlandiae, 2009), 331–54Google Scholar on possible continuity of Roman traditional religion; Kalas, Gregor, “Writing and Restoration in Rome: Inscriptions, Statues, and the Late Antique Preservation of Buildings,” in Cities, Texts, and Social Networks, 400–1500: Experiences and Perceptions of Medieval Urban Space, eds. Goodson, Caroline, Lester, Anne E., and Symes, Carol (Burlington, Vt.: Ashgate, 2010), 21–43Google Scholar emphasizing aesthetic not religious value. See also Machado, Carlos, “Building the Past: Monuments and Memory in the Forum Romanum,” in Social and Political Life in Late Antiquity, eds. Bowden, William, Gutteridge, Adam, and Machado, Carlos (Leiden: Brill, 2006), 157–92Google Scholar and “City as Stage: aristocratic commemorations in late antique Rome,” in Les frontières du profane dans l'antiquité tardive, eds. Rebillard, Éric and Sotinel, Claire (Rome: Ecole française de Rome, 2010), 287–317Google Scholar.

²⁶ McLynn, Neil, “Crying Wolf: The Pope and the Lupercalia,” Journal of Roman Studies 98 (2008): 161–75CrossRefGoogle Scholar, though these festivals should not be seen as merely heritage. Their meaning would have been largely in the eyes of the participants, who need not be paid actors as McLynn maintains for the Lupercalia, or especially the audience.

²⁷ Gelasius I, Adversum Andromachum ed. and trans. Pomarès, G., Lettre contre les Lupercales et dix-huit messes du Sacramentaire Léonien (Paris: Cerf, 1959)Google Scholar. Though I maintain the traditional date and author, some favor bishop Felix III in 491 or earlier, see Duval, Y. M., “Des Lupercales de Constantinople aux Lupercales de Rome,” Revue des études latines 55 (1977): 222–70Google Scholar; Wiseman, T. P., “The God of the Lupercal,” Journal of Roman Studies 85 (1995): 1–22CrossRefGoogle Scholar. On the Lupercalia, see additionally Ulf, C., Das römische Lupercalienfest: Ein Modellfall für Methodenprobleme in der Altertumswissenschaft (Darmstadt: Wissenschaftliche Buchgesellschaft, 1982)Google Scholar; Hopkins, Keith, “From Violence to Blessing” in City States in Classical Antiquity and Medieval Italy, eds. Molho, A., Raaflaub, K., and Emlen, J. (Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press, 1991), 479–98Google Scholar; Ziółkowski, A., “Ritual Cleaning-up of the City: From the Lupercalia to the Argei,” Ancient Society 29 (1998–9): 191–218CrossRefGoogle Scholar; and North, John, “Caesar at the Lupercalia,” Journal of Roman Studies 98 (2008), 144–60CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

²⁸ Gelasius I, Adversum Andromachum 9: Non potes enim mensae Domini participare et mensae daemoniorum, nec calicem Domini bibere et calicem daemoniorum, non potes templum Dei esse et templum diaboli, lux simul et tenebrae in te convenire non possunt (my translation). In the sixth century, Severus of Antioch also cited 1 Corinthians 10:21 to drive a wedge between true Christians and those who attend the games, on which see Sizgorich, Thomas, Violence and Belief: Militant Devotion in Christianity and Islam (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 2009), 108–43Google Scholar, esp. 116–17 for a compelling account of violent ascetic Christian boundary maintenance.

²⁹ Gelasius, Adversus Andromachum 32: Ego neglegentiam accusare non audeo praecessorum, cum magis credam fortasse temptasse eos ut haec pravitas tolleretur, et quasdam extitisse causas et contrarias voluntates quae eorum intentiones praepedirent, sicut ne nunc quidem vos ipsos absistere insanis conatibus velle perpenditis (my translation).

³⁰ This fragmentation even extended to “church” ownership, as Cooper, Kate argues in “Christianity, Private Power, and the Law from Decius to Constantine: The Minimalist View,” Journal of Early Christian Studies 19 (2011): 327–43CrossRefGoogle Scholar, at page 343 Cooper argues: “In fact, the physical spaces that we think of as ‘churches’ seem in many cases to have been under private ownership up to the time of Gelasius” (492–96).

³¹ Jerome, Ep. 107.1, and Prudentius, Perist. 11.199–218, both described large crowds exiting the city to attend festivals at extramural martyr shrines. These crowds knew where to go, but not how to go, and so are perhaps best viewed as quite simply crowds. Additionally, these popular festivals seem to have had no one particular patron in the fourth, even into the early-fifth century. On the cult of martyrs, see Brown, Peter, The Cult of Saints: Its Rise and Function in Latin Christianity (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1981)Google Scholar. Equally, both Jerome and Prudentius exercised a measure of rhetorical license as only a half-century later bishop Leo I, Sermon 84.1, trans. Freeland, J. P. and Conway, A. J., St. Leo the Great: Sermons (Washington D.C.: Catholic University of America Press, 1996)Google Scholar, would complain that “more effort is spent on demons than on the apostles, and the wild entertainments draw greater crowds than the shrines of martyrs.” On the elogia and Damasan attempts to create ecclesiastical consensus based on control of the cult of martyrs, see below n52. See also Jerome, Ep. 77.11, on which see Yasin, Ann Marie, Saints and Church Spaces in the Late Antique Mediterranean (New York: Cambridge University Press, 2009), 61–69, esp. 62–63Google Scholar, where Jerome, while ensconced in far-off Bethlehem whose social and geographical distance from Rome afforded him creative license, imagined a traditional aristocratic funeral “Christianized” by the replacement of customary laments with Psalms—a scene likely invented from whole cloth.

³² For broad consideration of episcopal elections with an emphasis on rules, laws, and procedures, see the synthesis of Norton, Peter, Episcopal Elections 250–600: Hierarchy and Popular Will in Late Antiquity (New York: Oxford University Press, 2007)CrossRefGoogle Scholar. See also Gryson, Roger, “Les élections épiscopales en Occident au IVième siècle,” Revue d'histoire ecclésiastique 75 (1980): 257–83Google Scholar, on western electoral customs and regulations; and Wirbelauer, E., “Die Nachfolgerbestimmung im römischen Bistum (3.-6. Jh.): Doppelwahlen und Absetzungen in ihrer herrschaftssoziologischen Bedeutung,” Klio 76 (1994): 388–437CrossRefGoogle Scholar, on the role of conflict as customary in episcopal successions in relation to a changing self-understanding of the Roman bishops (whereas I am interested in disputed elections in relation to public ceremonial) and esp. 407–21 for the disputed elections to be considered below.

³³ Cooper and Hillner, “Introduction,” 7–10.

³⁴ For an extended analysis, See above all Kate Blair-Dixon, “Memory and Authority in Sixth-Century Rome: the Liber Pontificalis and the Collectio Avellana,” in Cooper and Hillner, Religion, Dynasty, and Patronage, 59–76 which I follow closely in this paragraph. See also generally Noble, Thomas F. X., “Literacy and the Papal Government in Late Antiquity and the Early Middle Ages,” in The Uses of Literacy in Early Medieval Europe, ed. McKitterick, Rosamond (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1990), 82–108Google Scholar. On the Liber Pontificalis, see below n37 and Noble, Thomas F. X., “A New Look at the Liber Pontificalis,” Archivium Historiae Pontificiae 23 (1985), 347–58Google Scholar. On the Collectio Avellana, see below n36; Kéry, Lotte, Canonical Collections of the Early Middle Ages (ca. 400–1140): A Bibliographical Guide to the Manuscripts and Literature (Washington, D.C.: Catholic University of America Press, 1999), 37–38Google Scholar; and Jasper, Detlev and Fuhrmann, Horst, Papal Letters in the Middle Ages (Washington D.C.: Catholic University Press, 2001), 83–85Google Scholar.

³⁵ On this schism, see Pietri, Roma Christiana, 1.237–68; Maier, “The Topography of Heresy and Dissent,” 232–49; Curran, John, Pagan City and Christian Capital: Rome in the Fourth Century (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 2000), 129–37Google Scholar; Levillain, Philippe, ed., The Papacy: An Encyclopedia (New York: Routledge, 2002)Google Scholar sv Liberius and sv Felix II d. 365; Kelly, J. N. D. and Walsh, M., The Oxford Dictionary of Popes, updated edition (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2006)Google Scholar, sv Liberius and sv Felix II (anti-pope).

³⁶ Coll. Avell. 1.2 (= Epistulae imperatorum pontificum aliorum inde ab a. CCCLXVII usque ad a. DLIII datae Avellana quae dicitur collectio CSEL 35, ed. Günther, Otto (Vindobonae: F. Tempsky, 1895–98)Google Scholar on clerical perjury (cum summo periurii scelere) and the quotation: quod factum uniuerso populo displicuit et se eius ab processione suspendit (my translation). Twyman, Susan (Papal Ceremonial at Rome in the Twelfth Century [London: Boydell Press, 2002], 57)Google Scholar says that Damasus later attempted to hold a procession which was also stopped by the people, though I have found only the attempt by Felix. See Sizgorich, Violence and Belief, 72–75 for a persuasive reading of this epistle as a persecution-martyrdom narrative.

³⁷ LP 37.4 (= Le Liber Pontificalis 3 vols, eds. Duchesne, L. and Vogel, C. [Paris: E. de Boccard, 1955])Google Scholar; The Book of Pontiffs (Liber Pontificalis): The Ancient Biographies of the First Ninety Roman Bishops to AD 715, revised 2nd edition, trans. Davis, R. (Liverpool: Liverpool University Press, 2000)Google Scholar.

³⁸ Coll. Avell. 1.3: post parum temporis impulsu clericorum . . . inrumpit in urbem, my trans.

³⁹ Coll. Avell. 1.3: stationem in <basilica> Iuli trans Tiberim dare praesumit, my trans.

⁴⁰ Oxford Latin Dictionary sv statio and Mohrmann, Christine, “Statio,” Vigiliae Christianae 7 (1953) 221–45CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

⁴¹ Cf. the idealized image of later episcopal elections at Rome in the LP, see Daileader, P., “One Will, One Voice and Equal Love: Papal Elections and the Liber Pontificalis in the Early Middle Ages,” Archivium Historiae Pontificiae 31 (1993): 11–31Google Scholar. For a discussion of contested elections and attendant violence in the period just after the one under consideration here, see Noble, Thomas F. X., The Republic of St. Peter: The Birth of the Papal State, 680–825 (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 1984), 188–205Google Scholar.

⁴² Bowes, Private Worship, Public Values, 62 on the slow pace of fourth-century church building.

⁴³ Coll. Avell. 1.5. On this schism, see Lippold, A., “Damasus und Ursinus,” Historia 14 (1965) 105–28Google Scholar sources and geography of dispute; Green, M. R., “The Supporters of the Antipope Ursinus,” Journal of Theological Studies n.s. 22 (1971): 531–38CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Pietri, Roma Christiana, 407–18; Wirbelauer, “Die Nachfolgerbestimmung im römischen Bistum (3.-6. Jh.),” 407–10; Geertman, H., Hic Fecit Basilicam: studi sul Liber Pontificalis and gli edifici ecclesiastici di Roma da Silvestro a Silverio, ed. de Blaauw, Sible (Leuven: Peeters, 2004)Google Scholar: “Forze centrifughe e centripete nella Roma Cristiana: il Laterano, la basilica Iulia, e la basilica Liberiana,” 17–44, here 28–30 (whose argument in favor of the Julian basilica near the via Lata I accept); De Spirito, G., “Ursino e Damaso–una nota,” in Peregrina curiositas: Eine Reise durch den orbis antiquus: zu Ehren von Dirk van Damme, eds. Kessler, A., Ricklin, T., and Wurst, G. (Freiburg: Universitätsverlag Freiburg Schweiz, 1994), 263–74, 264–66CrossRefGoogle Scholar (locations); Maier, “Topography of Heresy and Dissent”; Curran, Pagan City and Christianity Capital, 137–42; Levillain, ed., The Papacy sv Damasus and sv Ursinus; Kelly and Walsh, eds., Oxford Dictionary of Popes sv Damasus I and sv Ursinus (anti-pope); Norton, Episcopal Elections, 63–5.

⁴⁴ Coll. Avell. 1.5: quod ubi Damasus, qui semper episcopatum ambierat, comperit, omnes quadrigarios et imperitam multitudinem pretio concitat et armatus fustibus ad basilicam Iuli perrumpit et magna fidelium caede per triduum debacchatus est, freely translated. I follow Geertman, “Forze centrifughe e centripete,” who argues that this basilica Iulii refers to the one near the Forum of Trajan. Cf. Curran, Pagan City and Christianity Capital, 138. Humphries, “From Emperor to Pope?” notes the continuing and increasing importance of the Forum of Trajan in the fourth and fifth centuries, whose prestige may have reflected on nearby churches.

⁴⁵ Coll. Avell. 1.6: cum omnibus periuris et arenariis (my translation).

⁴⁶ Coll. Avell. 1.7: tunc Damasus cum perfidis inuitat arenarios quadrigarios et fossores omnemque clerum cum securibus gladiis et fustibus et obsedit basilicam hora diei secunda septimo Kalendarum Nouembrium die Gratiano et Dagalaifo conss. et graue proelium concitauit. nam effractis foribus igneque subposito aditum, unde inrumperet, exquirebat; nonnulli quoque de familiaribus eius tectum basilicae destruentes tegulis fidelem populum perimebant. tunc uniuersi Damasiani irruentes in basilicam centum sexaginta de plebe tam uiros quam mulieres occiderunt; uulnerauerunt etiam quam plurimos, ex quibus multi defuncti sunt, freely translated.

⁴⁷ Amm. Marc. 27.3.13: Constatque in basilica Sicinini, ubi ritus Christiani est conventiculum, uno die centum triginta septem reperta cadavera peremptorum, trans. Rolfe. Amm. Marc. 27.3.12 speaks of bloodshed on both sides.

⁴⁸ Geertman, “Forze centrifughe e centripete,” on the Liberian basilica as Ursinian anti-cathedral and Coll. Avell. 1.9 reporting frequent gatherings at the Liberian basilica. Coll. Avell. 5 allows the return of Ursinus and his supporters to Rome, while Coll. Avell. 6 discusses the return of the Basilica Sicininus to Damasus. McLynn notes that controlling certain buildings was crucial as such control was thought to lead to control over people (“Christian Controversy and Violence,” 16–9).

⁴⁹ Coll. Avell. 1.12: per coemeteria martyrum stationes sine clericis celebrabat.

⁵⁰ Coll. Avell. 1.12 armatus cum satellitibus suis Damasus irruit et plurimos uastationis suae strage deiecit, freely translated; Curran, Pagan City and Christianity Capital, 141.

⁵¹ Coll. Avell. 7.

⁵² On Damasus' elogia and episcopal authority, see recently Sághy, Marianne, “Scinditur in Partes Populus: Pope Damasus and the Martyrs of Rome,” Early Medieval Europe 9 (2000): 273–87CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Blair-Dixon, Kate, “Damasus and the Fiction of Unity: the Urban Shrines of Saint Lawrence,” in Ecclesiae urbis: Atti del congresso internazionale di studi sulle chiese di Roma (IV-X secolo) Roma, 4–10 settembre 2000, eds. Guidobaldi, Federico and Guidobaldi, Alessandra Guiglia (Vatican: Pontificio Instituto di Archeologia Cristiana, 2002), 331–52Google Scholar; and Trout, Dennis, “Damasus and the Invention of Early Christian Rome,” Journal of Medieval and Early Modern Studies 33 (2003): 517–36CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

⁵³ LP 44.1–4 and Coll. Avell. 14–37; Pietri, Roma Christiana, 452–60; Cristo, Stuart, “Some Notes on the Bonifacian-Eulalian Schism,” Aevum 51 (1977): 163–67Google Scholar; Wirbelauer, “Die Nachfolgerbestimmung im römischen Bistum (3.-6. Jh.),” 410–15; Geertman, “Forze centrifughe e centripete,” n30; Lançon, Rome in Late Antiquity, 101–3; Levillain, ed., The Papacy sv Boniface I and sv Eulalius; Kelly and Walsh, eds., Oxford Dictionary of Popes sv Boniface I and sv Eulalius (antipope); Norton, Episcopal Elections, 65.

⁵⁴ Coll. Avell. 14.4: cum maxima multitudine et cum pluribus sacerdotibus remoratus est (urban prefect Symmachus); Coll. Avell. 17.2: “Lateranensem ecclesiam obtrusis paene omnibus ingressibus archidiaconus Eulalius contemptis impie summi sacerdotis exsequiis diaconibus et paucissimis presbyteris ac multitudine turbatae plebis obsederat” (pro-Boniface), both freely translated. I would like to thank Nicole Hamonic for her help with this passage.

⁵⁵ Coll. Avell. 14.5: ad Theodorae ecclesiam and 14.6: in ecclesia Marcelli; LP 44.1: in basilica Iuliae. See above nn43–44 on the location of the Julian basilica.

⁵⁶ Coll. Avel. 14.6: atque cum eo ad sancti apostoli Petri basilicam processerunt (my translation).

⁵⁷ Oxford Latin Dictionary sv procedo: 1. to go or move forward, advance, progress: b. of military forces, c. of processions, d. of things; 2. to proceed to a destination; 3. to come forth from concealment; 4. to step forward for a purpose: as a speaker or b. of troops, to sally forth. In his Latin translation of the Bible (the Vulgate), Jerome used procedo with reference to war (along with the more general meaning to go forward): see e.g. 1 Chronicles 5:18, Deut. 24:5, Jeremiah 46:3. Thus procedo still maintained a martial meaning in the late fourth century, though it could also be used for processions, for example Egeria, , Itinerarium peregrinatio 25, ed. Geyer, P. CSEL 39 (Vindobonae: F. Tempsky, 1898), 74Google Scholar. Lançon, Rome in Late Antiquity, 102; Twyman, Papal ceremonial, 57; and Humphries, “From Emperor to Pope?,” n150, all consider it a procession.

⁵⁸ Coll. Avell. 15.

⁵⁹ Coll. Avell. 16.4

⁶⁰ Coll. Avell. 16.7 (Eulalius) and 16.3: qui conuentione contempta processit atque eum, quem direxeram, dedit populo uerberandum, loosely translated. For a quick outline of the schism, see in particular Cristo, “Some Notes on the Bonifacian-Eulalian Schism,” 164 on this attack on or procession toward Rome.

⁶¹ Coll. Avell. 17 (Pro-Boniface petition), Coll. Avell. 18 (rescinds decision in favor of Eulalius, calls for a synod at Ravenna), and Coll. Avell. 20 (instructions to Ravennate synod).

⁶² LP 44.2.

⁶³ Coll. Avell. 21–24 (letters notifying various parties about Easter celebrant).

⁶⁴ Coll. Avell. 25–28.

⁶⁵ Coll. Avell. 29 and 32.

⁶⁶ Coll. Avell. 30–32.

⁶⁷ From an impressive literature I made use of Llewellyn, P. A. B., “The Roman Church during the Laurentian Schism: Priests and Senators,” Church History 45 (1976): 417–27CrossRefGoogle Scholar, and “The Roman Clergy during the Laurentian Schism (498–506): A Preliminary Analysis,” Ancient Society 8 (1977): 245–75Google Scholar; Richards, Jeffrey, The Popes and the Papacy in the Early Middle Ages, 476–752 (Boston: Routledge & Kegan Paul, 1979), 57–68Google Scholar; Moorhead, J., Theodoric in Italy (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1992)Google Scholar, chapters 4–5 with appendix 1; Wirbelauer, Eckhard, Zwei Päpste in Rom: der Konflikt zwischen Laurentius und Symmachus (498–514): Studien und Texte (München: Tuduv, 1993)Google Scholar; Noble, Thomas F. X., “Theodoric the Great and the Papacy,” in Teodorico il Grande e i Goti d'Italia: Atti del XIII congresso internazionale di studi sull'alto medioevo, 2 vols. (Spoleto: CISAM, 1993), 1:395–423Google Scholar; Wirbelauer, “Die Nachfolgerbestimmung im römischen Bistum (3.-6. Jh.),” 415–16; Teresa Sardella, Società, chiesa e stato nell'età di Teodorico: papa Simmaco e lo scisma laurenziano (Soveria Mannelli (Catanzaro): Rubbettino, 1996); Teresa Sardella, “Simmaco e lo scisma laurenziano: dalle fonti antiche alla storiografia moderna,” and Wirbelauer, E., “Simmaco e Lorenzo: ragioni del conflitto negli anni 498–506” in Il papato di San Simmaco, 498–514: atti del convegno internazionale di studi, Oristano, 19–21 novembre 1998, eds. Mele, Giampaolo and Spaccapelo, Natalino (Cagliari: Pontificia facoltà teologica della Sardegna, 2000), 11–37Google Scholar and 39–51, respectively; Hillner, “Families, Patronage and Titular Churches”; Levillain, ed., The Papacy sv Symmachus and sv Laurentius; Kelly and Walsh, eds., Oxford Dictionary of Popes sv Symmachus, St and sv Lawrence (antipope); and Norton, Episcopal Elections, 66–7.

⁶⁸ LP 53.2 has Theodoric actively decide for Symmachus, while Anonymi Valesiani pars posterior 65 leaves out Theodoric's decision.

⁶⁹ Laurentian frg. 52.2 (= LP p. 44); Book of Pontiffs, xiv-xvi on the Laurentian vita and app. 2, p. 103 (date and translation). Cf. Book of Pontiffs, app. 3, pp. 110–1 (extracts from epitomes of LP).

⁷⁰ Laurentian frg. 52.3–4 and 52.14 (= LP pp. 44 & 46): Conditaria aka “Spice Girl,” trans. Noble, “Theodoric and Papacy,” 406–7 (406 for “spicy”).

⁷¹ Laurentian frg. 52.4 (= LP p. 44): fugiens regreditur Romam seque intra beati Petri apostoli septa concludit, trans. (adapted) Davis, Book of Pontiffs, app. 2, p. 104.

⁷² Richards, Popes and Papacy, 71.

⁷³ Moorhead, Theodoric in Italy, 118, while Noble, “Theodoric and Papacy,” has St. Maria in Trastevere.

⁷⁴ Laurentian frg. 52.7–8 (= LP p. 45); Davis, Book of Pontiffs, app. 2, p. 104.

⁷⁵ LP 53.5, trans. Davis, Book of Pontiffs.

⁷⁶ LP 53.5, trans. Davis, Book of Pontiffs.

⁷⁷ Laurentian frg. 52.9 (= LP p. 45): quae sibi utilia visa sunt pro Symmachi persona, constituunt et sic urbem in summa confusione derelinquunt, trans. Davis, Book of Pontiffs, app. 2, p. 105. Cf. the pro-Symmachan LP 53.4 where a synod of 115 bishops convened by Symmachus acquitted him of the false charge. The chronology is uncertain and so perhaps the Symmachan synod met after Symmachus' final reinstatement as a gesture of unity.

⁷⁸ Laurentian frg. 52.12 (= LP p. 46): maxime de titulis ecclesiarum quos intra urbem Laurentius optinebat; Davis, Book of Pontiffs, app. 2, p. 105. Symmachus was especially concerned about the tituli that Laurentius “was occupying (optinebat) in the city.”

⁷⁹ Llewellyn, “Roman Church during Laurentian Schism.” Cf. D. Noy, Foreigners at Rome: Citizens and Strangers (Duckworth with the Classical Press of Wales, 2000) 151 on Trastevere's not always compelling association with eastern foreigners.

⁸⁰ Laurentian frg. 52.12–13 (= LP p. 46); Davis, Books of Pontiffs, app. 2, p. 105.

⁸¹ LP 57 n. 5. On this issue, see Geertman, “Forze centrifughe e centripete,” 30–1. The Julian basilica near the Forum of Trajan had been re-named SS. Apostoli by this point.

⁸² LP 57.1, trans. Davis, Book of Pontiffs; On this scuffle, see Richards, Popes and Papacy, 120–35; Moorhead, Theodoric in Italy, 198; Noble, “Theodoric and Papacy,” 420; Wirbelauer, “Die Nachfolgerbestimmung im römischen Bistum (3.-6. Jh.),” 417–21; Levillain, ed., The Papacy, sv Boniface II and sv Dioscorus; Kelly and Walsh, eds., Oxford Dictionary of Popes, sv Boniface II and sv Dioscorus (antipope).

⁸³ Richards, Popes and Papacy, 125–27.

⁸⁴ See essays collected in Barchiesi, A., Rüpke, J., and Stephens, S., eds., Rituals in Ink (Munich: Franz Steiner, 2004)Google Scholar for the phrase “Rituals in Ink” as it pertains to the reality or rhetoric of rituals described in classical texts.

⁸⁵ Marazzi, F., “Rome in Transition: Economic and Political Change in the Fourth and Fifth Centuries,” in Early Medieval Rome and the Christian West, ed. Smith, J. H. M. (Leiden, Netherlands: Brill, 2000): 21–41Google Scholar for the competition with bishops gaining upper hand only around 500. Both Gasparri, S., “The Aristocracy,” in Italy in the Early Middle Ages 476–1000, ed. La Rocca, C. (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2002), 59–84Google Scholar and Noble, “The Roman Elite,” saw the Laurentian schism, which straddled the year 500, as a prime moment in the relations between aristocracy and church.

⁸⁶ On which see the well-written Heather, Peter, The Fall of the Roman Empire: A New History of Rome and the Barbarians (New York: Oxford University Press, 2010)Google Scholar, esp. part 2.

⁸⁷ Brown, Gentlemen and Officers, Barnish, “Transformation and Survival,” and now especially Wickham, Framing the Early Middle Ages, 163–64 and 203–19 on the relative survival of church property as compared to that of the aristocracy and on the quite different successor aristocracies of the early Middle Ages.

⁸⁸ On “barbarian” conquests, see Heather, The Fall of the Roman Empire; Mitchell, A History of the Later Roman Empire, 191–224; and Wickham, The Inheritance of Rome, 76–108 for good narratives.

⁸⁹ See especially, Salzman, Michele R., On Roman Time: The Codex-Calendar of 354 and the Rhythms of Urban Life in Late Antiquity (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1990)Google Scholar on the vibrant and even overloaded fourth-century civic calendar.

⁹⁰ Brown, P. R. L., “Aspects of the Christianization of the Roman Aristocracy,” Journal of Roman Studies 51 (1961): 1–11CrossRefGoogle Scholar. The Christian adaptation of aristocratic culture made conversion easier, however, I want to highlight that even Christian members of the aristocracy still behaved in rather traditional ways in public ceremonies.

⁹¹ Brown, Peter, The Rise of Western Christendom: Triumph and Diversity, A.D. 200–1000, 2nd edition (Malden, Mass.: Blackwell, 2003), 145Google Scholar.

⁹² On the role of paideia, aka culture/refinement/education, in late antiquity, see Kaster, Robert, Guardians of Language: The Grammarian and Society in Late Antiquity (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1988)Google Scholar, esp. chapters 1–2; Brown, Peter, Power and Persuasion in Late Antiquity: Towards a Christian Empire (Madison: University of Wisconsin Press, 1992)Google Scholar, esp. chapters 1–2; and Chin, Catherine, Grammar and Christianity in the Late Roman World (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 2008), esp. chapter 1–2CrossRefGoogle Scholar. On the continuing attraction of the classical tradition and its use as a medium to attract the aristocracy to Christianity, see Salzman, Michele R., “Elite Realities and Mentalités: The Making of a Western Christian Aristocracy,” Arethusa 33 (2000): 347–62CrossRefGoogle Scholar. On aristocratic conservatism evidenced by a reluctance to Christianize the Roman Forum and other public spaces, see Sande, Siri, “Old and New in Old and New Rome,” Acta ad archaeologiam et artium historiam pertinentia 17 n.s. 3 (2003): 101–14CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

⁹³ Gregory I, ep. 8.22, trans. Llewellyn, Peter, Rome in the Dark Ages (New York: Praeger, 1970), 90Google Scholar, which is more poetic than “I do not know what your great delight is in the city of Constantinople, and what your oblivion is of the city of Rome,” in Gregory I, Pope, The Letters of Gregory the Great, 3 vols., trans. Martyn, J. R. C. (Toronto: PIMS, 2004)Google Scholar. Gregory's comment followed directly on the heels of an image of Rome as the threshold of Saint Peter, highlighting the extent to which Gregory I easily and readily combined the classical with the Christian, on which see Richards, J., Consul of God (New York: Routledge, 1980)Google Scholar.

⁹⁴ Humphries, M., “Italy, A. D. 425–605,” in Cambridge Ancient History, 2nd edition, vol. 14, eds. Cameron, Av., Ward-Perkins, B., and Whitby, M. (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2000): 525–51, here 540–44Google Scholar.

⁹⁵ Salzman, Michele R., The Making of a Christian Aristocracy: Social and Religious Change in the Western Roman Empire (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 2002), 3Google Scholar, see also 14–18, and 200–19 on aristocratic influence on Christianity. See also F. E. Consolino, “Tradizionalismo e trasgressione nell'élite senatoria romana: ritratti di signore fra la fine del IV e l'inizio del V secolo,” in Testa, Le trasformazioni delle élites in età tardoantica, 65–139 on Christianization of aristocracy, in particular aristocratic women.

⁹⁶ Curran, Pagan City and Christian Capital, 298–311. On this episode and on more prosaic instances of aristocratic support, see also Cooper, “Poverty, Obligation, and Inheritance” and also Anne Kurdock, “Demetrias ancilla dei: Anicia Demetrias and the problem of the missing patron,” in Cooper and Hillner, Religion, Dynasty, and Patronage, 190–224.

⁹⁷ Bowes, Private Worship, Public Values, esp. 75–99 on private churches and domestic ascetics.

⁹⁸ Hillner and Cooper, “Introduction,” 4: “The sixth century was the ‘tipping point’ connecting two processes: the waning of imperial and aristocratic gestures of ‘conspicuous consumption,’ and the waxing of ecclesiastical institutions as a mechanism through which bishops could establish continuity of culture and historical memory.” See also n85 above.

⁹⁹ In general, see MacCormack, Sabine, “Change and Continuity in Late Antiquity,” Historia 21 (1972), 721–52Google Scholar and Art and Ceremony in Late Antiquity (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1981), 17–89Google Scholar; McCormick, Michael, Eternal Victory: Triumphal Rulership in Late Antiquity, Byzantium, and the Early Medieval West (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1986), 267–84Google Scholar; Dufraigne, P., Adventus Augusti, Adventus Christi: Recherches su l'exploitation idéologique d'un cérémoniel dans l'antiquité tardive (Paris: Institut d'études augustiniennes, 1994)Google Scholar; Lehnen, J., Adventus Principis (Frankfurt am Main: Peter Lang, 1997)Google Scholar; A. Fraschetti, “‘Veniunt modo reges Romam,’” in Urbs Roma, Harris, ed., 235–48 and La Conversione: Da Roma Pagana a Roma Cristiana (Bari: Laterza, 1999), 243–69Google Scholar (“I re vengono a Roma”); Marazzi, “Rome in Transition”; Benoist, S., Rome, le prince et la Cité: Pouvoir impérial et cérémonies publiques (Paris: PUF, 2005)CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Vitiello, M., Momenti di Roma ostrogota: aduentus, feste, politica (Stuttgart: F. Steiner, 2005)Google Scholar; and Humphries, “From Emperor to Pope?”

¹⁰⁰ Anon. Val. Pars Post. 65 (=12.65): Cui papa Symmachus et cunctus senatus vel populus Romanus cum omni gaudio extra urbem occurrentes, trans. Rolfe. On this first appearance of the bishop of Rome, see Vitiello, Momenti di Roma ostrogota, 19–29.

¹⁰¹ Saxer, “L'utilisation par la liturgie de l'espace urbain et suburbain,” 2.960.

¹⁰² On the Three Chapters, see Pelikan, Jaroslav, The Christian Tradition: A History of the Development of Doctrine: Volume 1 The Emergence of the Catholic Tradition (100–600) (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1971), 275–77Google Scholar; Herrin, Judith, The Formation of Christendom (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1987), 119–25Google Scholar; and Sotinel, Claire, “Mémoire perdue ou mémoire manipulée: le Liber Pontificalis et la controverse des Trois Chapitres,” in L'usage du passé entre Antiquité tardive et haut Moyen Âge: Hommage à Brigitte Beaujard, eds. Sotinel, Claire and Sartre, Maurice (Rennes: Presses universitaires de Rennes, 2008), 59–76CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

¹⁰³ Richards, Popes and Papacy, 156–60, on the Three Chapters generally 139–61.

¹⁰⁴ LP 62.1, trans. Davis, Book of Pontiffs.

¹⁰⁵ LP 62.2: Narsis et Pelagius papa consilio inito, data laetania ad sanctum Pancratium, cum hymnis et canticis spiritalibus venerunt ad sanctam Petrum apostolum, translation adapted from Davis, Book of Pontiffs. In this case the verb, venerunt from venio, simply means went, but the ablative phrase indicating the manner in which Pelagius and his entourage went or processed, “with hymns and spiritual chants,” transformed mere travel into a procession. Cf. Boniface's march whose verb may mean to process but whose context favors a martial meaning.

¹⁰⁶ Verrando, G. N., “Le numerose recensioni della Passio Pancratii,” Vetera Christianorum 19 (1982): 105–29Google Scholar.

¹⁰⁷ LP 53.8 and Barclay-Lloyd, Joan E., “The Church and Monastery of S. Pancrazio, Rome,” in Pope, Church and City: Essays in Honour of Brenda M. Bolton, eds. Andrews, Frances, Eggers, Christoph, and Rousseau, Constance M. (Leiden, Netherlands: Brill, 2004), 245–66Google Scholar.

¹⁰⁸ Gregory of Tours, Glory of the Martyrs 38 c. 585–88, trans. Van Dam, Ray (Liverpool: Liverpool University Press, 1988), 60CrossRefGoogle Scholar. On development of stories and cult of Pancratius, see Leyser, Conrad, “The Temptations of Cult: Roman Martyr Piety in the Age of Gregory the Great,” Early Medieval Europe 9 (2000): 289–303, esp. 303–05CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

¹⁰⁹ See de Blaauw, Sible, Cultus et decor: liturgia e architettura nella Roma tardoantica e medievale: Basilica Salvatoris, Sanctae Mariae, Sancti Petri, 2 vols (Vatican City: Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana, 1994), 2.451–514Google Scholar on S. Peter's from construction to c. 600 and Saxer, Victor, “Le stazioni romane,” in La comunità cristiana di Roma, eds. Ermini, Letizia Pani and Siniscalco, Paolo (Vatican City: Libreria Editrice Vaticana, 2000), 461–76Google Scholar, who counts 13 stations per year at Saint Peter's c. 800, which made it the most used stational church.

¹¹⁰ Gregory I, Ep. 8.22: beati Petri apostolorum principis limina.

¹¹¹ On which, see Nathan, Geoffrey, “Rogation Ceremonies of Late Antique Gaul: Creation, Transmission and the Role of the Bishop,” Classica et Medievalia 49 (1998): 275–303Google Scholar. Notably, Spain, whether ruled by Rome or the Visigoths, also witnessed a great deal of intra-Christian violence, see Castillo, P., “In ecclesia contra ecclesiam: Algunos ejemplos de disputas, violencias y facciones clericales en las iglesias tardoantiguas hispanas,” Antiquité Tardive 15 (2007): 263–76CrossRefGoogle Scholar, arguing that the Visigothic era image of ecclesiastical uniformity elides such instances. But as noted by Wickham (Framing the Early Middle Ages, 37–41 and 93–102; and The Inheritance of Rome, 130–40) ceremonial played a key role in Visigothic governance, presenting a image of royal unity at the capital in the face of real geographical and economic fragmentation.

¹¹² Coll. Avell. 1.3.

¹¹³ Coll. Avell. 1.5.

¹¹⁴ Coll. Avell. 1.7.

¹¹⁵ Coll. Avell. 1.12.

¹¹⁶ Coll. Avell. 1.9: quintum iam bellum Damasus fecit, my translation.

¹¹⁷ Coll. Avell. 14.6 (processerunt) and 17.2 (obsederat).

¹¹⁸ Coll. Avell. 16.4: processit; 29 on civil violence attendant upon Eulalius's return to Rome; and 32 on the obstinate Eulalius taking over the Lateran from which he was forcibly ejected.

¹¹⁹ Laurentian frg. 52.11 (= LP p. 46).

¹²⁰ Laurentian frg. 52.4 (= LP p. 44).

¹²¹ Laurentian frg. 52.12 (= LP p. 46).

¹²² LP 57.1

¹²³ Geertman, Herman, More veterum: il Liber Pontificalis e gli edifici ecclesiastici di Roma nella tarda antichità e nell'alto medioevo (Groningen: H. D. Tjeenk Willink, 1975), 132–42Google Scholar and “Forze centrifughe e centripete.” Blaauw, Cultus et decor, chapter 2.1.i and pp. 44–49, confirms the status of these churches, though noting that SS. Apostoli was a second tier patriarchal church.

¹²⁴ Lexicon Topographicum Urbis Romae, ed. Steinby, Eva Margareta (Rome: Quasar, 1993–1999)Google Scholar, sv S. Laurentii Basilica, Balneum, Praetorium, Monasterium, Hospita, Bibliothecae (Simonetta Serra).

¹²⁵ Llewellyn, “The Roman Clergy during the Laurentian Schism.” However, Hillner, “Families, Patronage, and Titular Churches,” has rightly contended that Llewellyn's assertions about the so-called college of presbyters and their independence far outstrips the evidence, but her own argument about the foundation of tituli from a generic church fund is not entirely convincing. Bowes, Private Worship, Public Values, 65–71, persuasively argues that the tituli maintained a kind of semi-independence. See also, Cooper, Kate, “The Martyr, the Matrona and the Bishop,” Early Medieval Europe 8 (1999): 297–317CrossRefGoogle Scholar, who argues that intra-Christian competition pitted the aristocracy against the bishop.

¹²⁶ Borrowing terms from Geertman, “Forze centrifughe e centripete.” This tension may well have survived into the early Middle Ages, when the titular liturgy still remained distinct from the papal one, a difference which may, however, have resulted from the elaboration of papal ritual, on which see van Dijk, S. J. P., “The Urban and Papal Rites in Seventh and Eighth Century Rome,” Sacris Erudiri 12 (1961): 411–87CrossRefGoogle Scholar.