1 The most recent survey of the development of the Renaissance problem since Burekhardt is the succinet account given by Professor Filippis, De in “The Renaissance Problem Again”, Italica, XX (1943), 65–80.CrossRefGoogle Scholar Other brief surveys are those by Bainton, Roland H., “Changing Ideas and Ideals in the Sixteenth Century”, JMH, VIII (1936), 417–43Google Scholar; Fife, Robert H., “The Renaissance in a Changing World”, GR, IX (1934), 73–95Google ScholarJacob, E. F., “changing Views of the Renaissance”, History, XVI (1931), 214–29CrossRefGoogle ScholarJacob, E. F., “The Fifteenth Century: Some Recent Interpretations”, Bulletin of the John Rylands Library, XIV (1930); 386–409CrossRefGoogle Scholar; and Turberville, A.S., “changing Views of the Renaissance”, History XVI (1932), 289–97.Google Scholar A judicious Interpretation of Burckhardt's role in the history;of the idea of the Renaissance is made by Professor Ferguson in “Jakob Burckhardt's, Interpretation of the Renaissance,” in the January, 1943 issue of The Quarterly Bulletin of the Polish Institute of Arts and Sciences in America. The central problem in Burckhardt's thesis is clearly dealt with in Professor Nelson's, “Individualism as a Criterion of the Renaissance”, JEGP, XXXII (1933), 316–34.Google Scholar See also footnote 7.

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6 Erasmus No. 1977, to Willibald Pirckheimer, March 20, 1528, in P.S. and Allen, H.M., op. cit., VII, 366.Google Scholar Cf. No. 1155, to Reuchlin, November 8, 1520, IV, 372; No. 1167, to Lorenzo Campegio, December 6, 1520, IV, 402.

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36 Roscoe, William, The Life and Pontificate of Leo the Tenth (Liverpool, 1805), IV, 58–59.Google Scholar In all fairness to Roscoe's liberalism, it ought to be added that he continues this passage with the statement that the Reformation resulted in conflicts between Catholics and Protestants, and between the Protestant sects. The consequence was the spread of persecution, intolerance, and bigotry: “… the human mind, a slave in all ages, has rather changed its master, than freed itself from its servitude”. This is Roscoe's final judgment on the Reformation.

37 Burgh, Allaston, Anecdotes of Music (London, 1814), I, 319Google Scholar; Hazlitt, William, The Complete Works, ed. Howe, P. P. (London, 1930–1934), III, 132–33.Google Scholar In his Life of Napoleon, Hazlitt terms the Reformation “… the great event in modern times” because it brought arbitrary power, both secular and spiritual, to the test of reason and conscience.

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39 Coleridge, Samuel Taylor, The Complete Works, ed. Professor, Shedd (New York, 1853), I, 379–80Google Scholar. The passage just quoted is amplified in an article which appeared in Fraser's, titled “Monologues of the late Samuel Taylor Coleridge, Esq. No. II. The Science and System of Logic,” Fraser's XII (1835), 624Google Scholar, to read after the phrase “So it continued” as follows: “with slight and ineffectual opposition, even after the era considered as the new dawn or restoration of literature, coincident with the final extinction of the Greek empire and the arrival of the learned fugitives in Italy—even to the time” etc.; Professor Shedd does not mention this addition.

40 Macaulay, Thomas B., Critical, Historical, and Miscellaneous Essays and Poems (New York, 1879), II, 220.Google Scholar Cf. Disraeli's, Isaac essay on “Bacon”, Curiosities of Literature, ed. Benjamin, Disraeli (Boston, 1861) II, 285–86.Google Scholar

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45 McCrie, Thomas, History of the Progress and Suppression of the Reformation in Italy in the Sixteenth Century (Philadelphia, 1842), 15–16Google Scholar. Cf. Nares, Edward, Memoirs of the Life … of … Lord Burghley (London, 1828–1831), I, 25Google Scholar where the revival of learning is called “… an extraordinary stimulus given to the minds of men, to awaken them effectually from the deep sleep, the superstitious apathy, into which they had fallen”.

46 Turner, Sharon, The History of England (London, 1839), XI, 106.Google Scholar

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48 Shakespearean Criticism, ed. Thomas M. Raysor (Harvard University Press, 1930), II, 261.Google Scholar In the third lecture of the 1811–12 series, Coleridge states that Shakespeare “… lived in an age in which from the religious controversies, carried on in a way of which we have no conception, there was a general energy of thinking, a pleasure in hard thinking”; the same idea is repeated in the sixth lecture of the same series.

49 Dilke, Charles W., ed. Old English Plays (London, 1814), I, xi–xii.Google Scholar Cf. Ellis, George, Specimens of the Early English Poets (London, 1811), I, 158Google Scholar where the literature of the Elizabethan era is characterized as follows: “The literary splendour of this reign may be justly attributed to the effects of the Reformation.” However, Berington, Joseph, A Literary History of the Middle Ages (London, 1814), 516–17Google Scholar, argues that while the cause of literature was benefited by the Reformation, it would have progressed without it and without strife.

50 Letter, John Keats 64, to Reynolds, John Hamilton, 05 3, 1818, The Letters ed. Forman, Maurice B. (Oxford U. Press, 1935), I, 114–45.Google Scholar

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52 Hazlitt, William, The Plain Speaker, XII, 314–16.Google Scholar Cf. Edward Nares, Lord Burghley, I, 30, SirScott, Walter, The History of Scotland (London, 1830), II, 259Google Scholar; Bower, Alexander, The Life of Luther (Philadelphia, 1824), 44Google Scholar; Robert, Thomson, Treatise on the Progress of Literature (Edinburgh, 1834), 104–06Google Scholar; Hippisley, J. H., Chapters on Early English Literature, (London, 1837), 240–43.Google Scholar

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