1. Codex Theodosianus, XIII. 3. 5Google Scholar; Codex Iustinianus, X. 53. 7.Google Scholar

2. Ibid., XIII. 3. 1–4.

3. Actually, the intervention of the emperor in the appointment of teachers was itself not new. See the summary in Marrou, Henri-Irenee, Histoire De L'Education Dans L'Antiquité, 5e ed. rev. (Paris, 1960), 407–408Google Scholar. With regard to pedagogical corruption and mismanagement, see: Haarhoff, T. J., Schools of Gaul A Study of Pagan and Christian Education in the Last Century of the Western Empire (Johannesburg, 1958), 134Google Scholar; and, Boissier, Gaston, La Fin Du Paganisme Étude Sur Les Dernières Luttes Religieuses En Occident au Quatrièime Siècle, 7me ed., 2 vols. (Paris, n.d.), I, 169.Google Scholar

4. The rescript is not found in legal compilations of either Theodosius or Justinian. It is numbered among Julian's letters. For English readers the Loeb translation of MrsWright, Wilmer Cave, The Works of the Emperor Julian, 3 vols. (London and New York, 1923), III, 117–123Google Scholar incorporates the rescript as epistola 36. The unfinished but more definitive collection of Bidez, Joseph, L'Empereur Julian oeuvres completes Tome I—2^e Partie Lettres et Fragments (Paris, 1924), 73–74Google Scholar numbers the rescript as ep. 61c. The other volumes constituting Bidez' collection are: L'Empereur Julien oeuvres Completes Tome I—2^e Partie Discours Dc Julien Cesar (Paris, 1932)Google Scholar; and with Cumont, Franz, Imp. Caesans Flavii Claudii luliani Epistulae Leges Poematia Fragmenta Varia (Paris, 1922)Google Scholar. All subsequent references to the works of Julian will be cited from both the Wright and, when available, less complete Bidez collections. Bides' Epistulae Leges Poematia Fragmenta Varia, will be abbreviated as ELPF. Since both collections possess a concordance correlating their numbering systems with the earlier Teubner edition of Hertlein, F. C., Juliana imperatoris qual supersunt …., 2 vols (Leipzig, 1875-1876)Google Scholar, no reference to this older compilation will be used here. That the Christians would have preferred violence against their persons in place of Julian's bloodless school reform, see Sozomen, , Historia Ecclesiastica, V. 5Google Scholar; Theodoret, , Hist. Eccl., III. 3Google Scholar; Nazianzus, Gregory, Oratio XLII. 3Google Scholar. Also the documents and comments under “De professoribus,” in Bidez' ELPF, 69–75.

5. Chrysostom, John, In S. S. Martyres Juventinum et Maximinum, I.Google Scholar

6. For the Christian contention, see Sozomen, , Hist. Eccl., V. 18Google Scholar, and Theodoret, , Hist. Eccl., III. 8. 1Google Scholar. Julian himself expressly indicated that Christian children should be permitted to attend. Ep. 36, Wright, III, 121–123; ep. 61c Bidez, , Lettres, 45–46Google Scholar; Geffcken, Johannes, Kaiser Julianus (Leipzig, 1914), 108Google Scholar; Ensslin, Wilhelm, “Kaiser Julians Gesetzgebungswerk und Reichsverwaltung,” Klio Beiträge Zur Alten Geschichte, XVII (1918), 189.Google Scholar

7. Prohaeresius, the great Athenian Sophist, whom Julian himself had probably audited, was one of those proffered immunity from the law. Jerome, , “Julianus,” Chronicles XXXVIIIGoogle Scholar. Also see Eunapius, , “Of Prohaeresius,” Lives of the Philosophers and Sophists, trans. Wright, W. C., The Loeb Classical Library (Cambridge and London: 1952), Vol. 184, P. 513Google Scholar. We know also of one Simplicanus who resigned his chair rather than his religion. Augustine, , Confessiones, VIII. 5Google Scholar. Orosius, in the fifth century, indicated that the unity with which Christian teachers refused religious defection on this occasion had, by his time, already become proverbial. Adversus Paganos Historiarum, VII. 30.Google Scholar

8. “Contra Julianum,” Oratio IV. 38.Google Scholar

9. Orat. XLII. 3.Google Scholar

10. Orat. IV. 68.Google Scholar

11. See, e.g., Orat. IV. 100Google Scholar

12. Ep. XVII. 4.Google Scholar

13. Theodoret, , Hist. Eccl., III. 8Google Scholar; Scholasticus, Socrates, Hist. Eccl., III. 12Google Scholar; Sozomen, , Hist. Eccl., V. 18Google Scholar. John Chrysostom simply followed Gregory's lead in claiming Julian to surpass all his predecessors in impiety. In S. S. Martyres Juventinum et Maximinum, I. And Augustine was doing the same thing with the insistence that, the want of blood notwithstanding, Julian should definitely be numbered among the persecutors of the Church. Civitas Dei, XVIII. 52.Google Scholar

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15. See the survey made by Joseph Bidez in his excellent biography, La Vie de L'Empereur Julien (Paris, 1930), 333–336Google Scholar. The most notable exceptions are, of course, Orationes XVII, XVIII, and XXIV of Libanius and the historical writings of Ammianus Marcellinus.

16. Baby, F. J. E., A History of Christian-Latin Poetry From the Beginnings to the Close of the Middle Ages, 2nd ed. (Oxford, 1953), 198Google Scholar; Kate Philip, Julianus Apostata In Dee Deutsohen Literatur, Bd. III; Stoff-und Motivgesohichte Der Deutschen Literatur (Berlin and Leipzig, 1929), 6 ff.Google Scholar; Bidez, , La Vie de L'Empereur Julien, 334–335Google Scholar.

17. Annalium, XIII. 12. 24–25.Google Scholar

18. Michael the Syrian: “Que sa memoire soit en malediction. Amen.” From the French translation of Ohabot, J.-B. (ed.), Chronique De Michel Le Syrien Patriarche Jacobite D'Antioche (1166–1199), 4 vols. (Bruxelles, 1963), I, 282.Google Scholar

19. Bidez, , Vie De L'Empereur Julien, rev. ed. (Paris, 1746), 222.Google Scholar

20. A Large Collection of Ancient Jewish and Heathen Testimonies to the Truth of the Christian Religion, 4 vols, (London, 1764-1767), IV, 42.Google Scholar

21. “Que gagne celui qui perd son ame pour l'eternité!” De Tillemont, Lenain, Histoire Des Empereurs, 6 vols., rev. (Venise, 1732-1739), IV, 554–555Google Scholar. For German views, Kate, Philip, Julianus Apostata In Der Deutschen Literatur, 19–52.Google Scholar

22. Advancement of Learning, I. 6. 14Google Scholar. And Milton, , for the same reason, referred to Julian as that “subtlest enemy to our faith.” Hughes, Merritt Y., ed., John Milton Complete Poems and Major Prose (New York, 1957), 726.Google Scholar

23. Magnolia Christi Americana, 2 vols. (Hartford, 1853 ed.), II, 8.Google Scholar

24. The History of the Decline and Fall of the Roman Empire, ed. J. B. Bury, 7 vols. (London, 1909), II, 487.Google Scholar

25. De Broglie, Albert, L'Eglise et L'Empire Romain au IV^e Siècle Deuxième Partie: Constance et Julien, 3 pts. (Paris, 1857-1866), II, 213.Google Scholar

26. Julien L'Apostat, 3 vols. (Paris, 1900–1903), II, 357, 360.Google Scholar

27. Vollert, Wilhelm, Kaiser Julians Religiöse und Philosophische Uberzeugung (Gutersloh, 1899), 40.Google Scholar

28. Muller, Eugen, Kaiser Flavius Claudius Julianus: Biographie nebst Auswahl Seiner Schriften (Hannover, 1900), 43.Google Scholar

29. Leclercq, Henri, “Julien L'Apostat, Dictionnaire D'Archéologie Chrétienne et De Liturgie (Paris, 1928), VIII, 373Google Scholar. The edict and accompanying rescript, said Duchesne, Louis, could be “justified by no theory of toleration.” Early History of the Christian Church From its Foundation to the End of the Fifth Century, trans. Jenkins, Claude, 3 vols. (London, 1909-1924), II, 263.Google Scholar

30. “Kaiser Julianus und Die Streitschriften Seiner Gegner,” Neue Jahrbuch für das Klassische Altertumswissenschaft (1908), 161–162.Google Scholar

31. Baynes, Norman H., “Constantine's Successors to Jovian: And the Struggle with Persia,” The Cambridge Medieval History. 8 vols. (New York, 1924-1936), I, 102–112.Google Scholar

32. La Vie de L'Empereur Jutien (Paris, 1930), 262–263, 310–311 ffGoogle Scholar. In this regard one should also review the same author's earlier “L'évolution de la politique de 1 'empereur Julien en matière religieuse,” Academie royale des sciences, des lettres ci des beauxarts de Belgique, Bull, no. 7 (Brussels 1914), 406–461.Google Scholar

33. La Reaction paĩenne Étude Sur La Polemique Antichrétienne Du l^er Au Vl^e Siécle (Paris, 1934), 373.Google Scholar

34. Leitzmann, Hans, Historie de l'Église Ancienne, 3 vols. (Paris, 1936-1941), III, 273, 287–295Google Scholar; Ricciotti, Giuseppe, Julian the Apostate, trans. Costelloe, M. Joseph (Milwaukee, 1959), esp. 179–195.Google Scholar

35. Two of the most important Julianic studies of this century have both tended to mark Julian as an administrator of the first rank and ability: Andreotti, Roberto, Il Regno Dell 'Imperator Giuliano (Bologna, 1936)Google Scholar; and Ensslin, Wilhelm, “Kaiser Julians Gesetzgebungswerk und Reichsverwaltung,“ Klio Beiträge sur alten Geschichte, XVIII (1918), 104–199Google Scholar. Also see: Gardner, Alice, Julian, Philosopher and Emperor and the Last Struggle of Paganism against Christianity (New York, 1895), 223–231Google Scholar, et passim “Iulianos Apostata,” Pauly-Wissowa Real-Encyclopädie Der Classischen Alterumswissenschaft, X (Stuttgart, 1917), c. 51Google Scholar; Geffeken, Johannes, “Kaiser Julianus und Die Streitschriften Seiner Gegner,” Neue Jahrbuch für das Klassische Altertumswissenschaft (1908), 168Google Scholar; Stein, Ernest, Histoire Du Bas-Empire, ed. and rev. Palanque, J. R., 2 vols.; 2nd ed (Paris, 1949), I, 158Google Scholar. The perplexity of Julian's motives is compounded, incidentally, by another problem. No one knew better than the emperor that perhaps the most effective impediment he could erect in obstructing the success of Christianity would be to immerse and intimidate it with classical learning. His own biography was an instance of what he could look for from others. Moreover, reading and sifting the ancient texts, by his own admission, had already proved a frequent reason for desertion from Christian ranks by others. “Against the Galilaeans,” Wright, III, 384; for the Teubner text: Iuliani Imperatoris Librorusn Contra Christianos Quae Supersunt, coll. rec. Charles John Neumann (Leipzig, 1880), 204Google Scholar. Why then, if his objective was especially intended to frustrate the sect, should he have ignored his own experience!

36. The gullibility of Julian, however, and the quackery practiced by some of those he received has invited a deserved criticism. See, for example, Eunapius, , Lives of the Philosophers, trans. Wright, Wilmer Cave, Loeb Classical Library (Cambridge and London, 1952), vol. 184, p. 447.Google Scholar

37. “To Aristoxenus, a Philosopher,” Wright, III, 115–117Google Scholar; and Bidez, , Lettres, 84–85Google Scholar, where Julian says his court is open to anyone of genuine repute as a philosopher. For the invitation to Saint Basil, ep. 26, Wright, III, 81; ep. 32, Bidez, , Lettres, 52Google Scholar. And for “To Aetius the Arian,” ep. 15, Wright, III, 35–37; ep. 46, Bidez, , Lettres, 65–66.Google Scholar

38. Amm. Marc., XXIL 5. 3–4; Sozomen, , Hist. Eccl., V. 5Google Scholar; “To Aetius the Arian,” ep. 15, Wright, III, 35–37; ep. 46, Bidez, , Lettres, 65–66Google Scholar; and “To the Citizens of Bostra,” ep. 41, Wright, III, 129; ep. 114, Bidez, , Lettres, 193Google Scholar. Here, see the remarks of Andreotti, , Il Regno, 130.Google Scholar

39. Wright, III, 191–197; Bidez, , Lettres, 197–200Google Scholar; ELPF, 194–198; and Cod. Theod. IX. 17. 5

40. Greg. Naz., Orat. IV. 66Google Scholar; Sozomen, , Hist. Eccl., V. 17. 2Google Scholar. On the matter of pagan numbers in the army, see: Bury, John Bagnell, A History of the Later Roman Empire, From Arcadius to Irene (395 A.D. to 800 A.D.), 2 vols. (London and New York, 1889), I, 35–36Google Scholar; Geffcken, , “Kaiser Julianus und Die Streitschriften ” 175Google Scholar; Stein, , Histoire, I, 97.Google Scholar

41. Upon the extension of toleration to all exiled clerics at the commencement of Julian's reign, Athanasius had returned to Alexandria and once again taken up his episcopal responsibilities. Julian had not intended this and considered Athanasius presumptuous in doing more than simply returning to a layman's way of life. Julian therefore exiled him again. Ep. 24, Wright, III, 75–77Google Scholar; ep. 110, Bidez, , Lettres, 187–188Google Scholar. Athanasius ignored the command, continued with his work even baptizing several Greeks of Alexandria. This incensed the Emperor and he again ordered the immediate departure of the prelate. Ep. 46, Wright, III, 141–143Google Scholar; ep. 12, Bidez, , Lettres, 192Google Scholar. The Alexandrians seemed as little concerned as their Bishop with the consequence that Julian had to issue yet a third decree banishing Athanasius from the whole of Egypt. Ep. 47, Wright, , III, 143–151Google Scholar; ep. 111, Bidez, , Lettres, 188–192.Google Scholar

42. Amm. Marc. XXII. 12–13. “Misopogon,” Wright, II, 445. The best account of this affair, with the corrections of Bury, remains Gibbon's, The Decline and Fall of the Roman Empire, ed. Bury, J. B., 7 vols. (London, 1909), II, 491–495.Google Scholar

43. “To Sallust,” Orat. VIII, Wright, II, 173; Orat. IV, Bidez, , Discours, 192Google Scholar; “To Atarbius,” ep. 37, Wright, III, 123; ep. 83, Bidez, , Lettres, 143–144Google Scholar; “To Hecebolius,” ep. 40, Wright, III, 127–129; ep. 115, Bidez, , Lettres, 196–197.Google Scholar

44. “To the Citizens of Bostra,” ep. 41, Wright, III, 135; ep. 114, Bides, , Lettres, 194–195Google Scholar. Also see the “Misopogon,” Wright, II, 447–453.

45. Soc. Schol., Hist. Eccl., III. 12. 15Google Scholar; Greg. Naz., Orat's. IV. 58 and XLII. 3Google Scholar

46. Brevarium, X. 16Google Scholar. Also Victor, Sextus Arelius, Epitome De Caesaribus, XLII. 5Google Scholar; and Zosimus, , Nova Historia, III. 2Google Scholar.

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49. Apotheosis, 449, 454 in J. H. Thomas, trans., Prudentius, 2 vols. (Cambridge, Loeb Classical Library, vol. 104, pt. 1, 1949), I, 155; Greg. Naz., Orat., IV, 62, 74.Google Scholar

50. Amm. Marc., XXV. 3. 17.

51. “Kaiser Julians Gesetzgebungswerk…,” esp. 118–125.

52. Christianity and Classical Culture, A Study of Thought and Action from Augustus to Augustine (London, 1944), 231–249.Google Scholar

53. Ibid.

54. Ibid., 273–274.

55. Ibid. And the chapter “Der Kampf Zwischen Christlicher Eschatologie und Römischem Imperialismus,” in Hartke, Werner, Bömische Kinderkaiser, Eine Strukturanalyse Römischen Denkens und Daseins (Berlin, 1951), 352–402.Google Scholar

56. “The Emperor Julian's ‘Reactionary’ Ideas on Kingship,” Late Classical and Medieval Studies in Honor of Albert Mathias Friend, Jr., ed. Kurt Weitzmann (Princeton, 1955), 71–81.Google Scholar

57. Ibid., 73–76.

58. In this regard, Julian's frank disregard for traditional formalities and conceits often provoked criticism and was a source of some unpopularity. Libanius, , Orat. I. 129–130Google Scholar; XVIII. 155.

59. In the words of Ensslin, “Auf allem Gebieten aber ist es Julians Bestreben dessen Gedankenwelt zurückzudrängen, also auch auf dem Boden des römischen Rechtes.” “Kaiser Julians Gesetzgebungswerk” 156. Other good summaries may be found in Downey, Glanville, “The Emperor Julian and the Schools,” The Classical Journal, LIII (1957), 97–98Google Scholar; and his “Julian and Justinian and the Unity of Faith and Culture,“ Church History, XXVIII (1959), 341–343.Google Scholar

60. Grasberger, Lorenz, Erziehung und Unterricht im Klassisohen Altertum, 3 vols. (Würzburg, 1864-1881), III, 582Google Scholar; Marrou, Henri-Iénée, Histoire De L'Education Dans L'Antiguté, 5e ed. re. (Paris, 1960), 313–314.Google Scholar

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63. As quoted in Marrou, , Histoire De L'Éducation, 465.Google Scholar

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68. See the translation and comments in Westaway, Katherine Mary, The Educational Theory of Plutarch (London, 1922), 139.Google Scholar

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73. De Idololatria, X, XIXGoogle Scholar; Ad Nationes, II. 1–2Google Scholar. A perusal of Christian texts dealing with education leaves one surprised, like Otto Seeck, that Christians should have protested Julians school law at all when it granted so much of what they had always seemed to ask—freedom from responsibilities of secular indoctrination and the right to quietly discourse on Matthew and Luke in their own private way. Geschiohte deg Untergangs der Antiken Welt (6 bde.; Berlin und Stuttgart, 1897-1920), IV, 328.Google Scholar

74. The emperor was clearly turning the knife, for instance in asking: “if the reading of your own scriptures is really enough, why do you nibble at the learning of the Greeks” Contra Gal., Wright, III, 384Google Scholar; Neumann, 205.

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76. Ep. 36, as translated by Wright, III, 117; ep. 61c, Bidez, , Lettres, 73Google Scholar. And here, see esp. the comments of Andreotti, , Ii Regno, 139–140Google Scholar, and Geffeken, Johannes, Zwei, Griechische Apologeten (Leipzig und Berlin, 1907), 307.Google Scholar

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78. “Kaiser Julians Gesetzgebungswerk,” 187. The essentially ethical, rather than persecutory, intent of the emperor is even more to be believed if the contentions of Denk are allowed, that Julian was dealing with a professional group whose numbers were still predominantly of pagan persuasion. Denk, V. M. Otto, Geschichte Des GalloFränkischen Unterricts - und Bildungswesens von Den Altesten Zeiten. Bis Auf Karl Den Grossen (Mainz, 1892), 157Google Scholar. In this same regard, Dvornik has remarked that while there were differences of viewpoint, Julian “did not meet with any formidable opposition among contemporary rhetors and philosophers….” “The Emperor Julian's ‘Reactionary’ Ideas on Kingship,” 79; and Jones, A. H. M., “The Social Background of the Struggle between Paganism and Christianity,” The Conflict Between Paganism and Christianity in the Fourth Century, ed. Momigliano, Arnaldo (Oxford, 1963), 20–21, 30–32.Google Scholar

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82. Ibid.

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85. Contra Gal., Wright, III, 325–327; Neumann, 168–169; also, Orat. VI, Wright, II, 9, 15; Orat. IV, Wright, I, 411.

86. Speaking of the story of Ascelpius: “… it is not peculiar to us Romans alone [the gift of healing], but we enjoy it mutually… with our kinsmen, the Hellenes.” Contra Gal., Wright, III, 374; Neumann, 197.

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88. Esp., Aeneid, VI, 790–793Google Scholar; XII, 188–191, 834–840. That Julian was far from alone in bearing Virginian imprints, see the work of Comparetti, D., Virgilio Nel Media Evo (Firenze, n.d.).Google Scholar

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91. “Frag. 7,” Wright, III, 299; Bidez, ELPF, 73–75.

92. Greg. Naz., Orat. IV. 109; Libanius, , Orat. XVIII. 159–160.Google Scholar

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