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2. Coronatio Hermintrudis Reginae, in MGH, pp. 453–455. The ordines discussed will be referred to as “Judith,” “Hermintrudis,”“Leofric,” and “Erdmann.” Hincmar had his royal protocols copied into a single manuscript (see Bouman, C. A., Sacring and Crowning [Groningen, Germany, 1957], p. 9)Google Scholar. This manuscript, found at the monastery of St. Laurence at Liège and later copied by Sirmond, has since been lost. Sirmond's copy provided the source for the MGH edition used for this work.

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4. Asser, John, Life of King Alfred ed. Stevenson, W. H. (Oxford, 1904), chap. 9.Google Scholar

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25. ASC: s.a. 853; and Asser, , Life of King AlfredGoogle Scholar, chap. 7. According to Asser, the Mercian king instigated the alliance.

26. Annales Bertiniani: s.a. 855, in MGH (Hanover, Germany, 1883), 1:419–515Google Scholar; and ASC: s.a. 855.

27. Annales Bertiniani: s.a. 855.

28. Annales Bertiniani: s.a. 856.

29. Sir Frank, Stenton, Anglo-Saxon England (Oxford, 1971), p. 245Google Scholar; and Enright, , “Charles and Aethelwulf,” p. 293Google Scholar. Contrary to the view that leadership of the English kingdom was divided between the king and his sons at this time, Asser contends that Aethelwulf retained kingship of both Kent and the West Saxon kingdoms and was not in political decline.

30. Asser, chaps. 12–13: “orientales plagae patri, occidentales filio.” No mention is made of Aethelberht, who had been underking in Kent, Surrey, Sussex, and Essex during his father's absence.

31. Keynes, S. and Lapidge, M., eds., Alfred the Great (Harmonsdworth, U.K., 1983), p. 234Google Scholar n. 26; John, Eric, Orbis Britanniae (Leicester, U.K., 1966), p. 42Google Scholar; Stafford, , “Charles the Bald, Judith and England,” p. 150Google Scholar; and Enright, , “Charles and Aethelwulf,” p. 296Google Scholar. Aethelwulf's will guaranteed royal estates to his eldest son in order to avoid the dissipation of royal lands by partible inheritance, and the guarantee would pass on to other sons in order of birth. His marriage in no way jeopardized his adult sons' royal prospects.

32. Annales Bertiniani: s.a. 855, 856; and Wallace-Hadrill, J. M., Early Medieval History (Oxford, 1975), p. 207.Google Scholar

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36. Ibid., p. 96; and Ward, , “Coronation Ceremony,” p. 166.Google Scholar

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42. The abundance implied by pinguedine could not easily be construed as essentially female fertility when it is also used in a male context both in contemporary king-makings and in the Old Testament.

43. Nelson, , “The Earliest Royal Ordo,” p. 348.Google Scholar

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45. Bouman, , Sacring and Crowning, pp. 91, 107Google Scholar; and Warren, , Leofric Missal, p. 231.Google Scholar

46. Genesis 35:10: “So Jacob was called Israel.”

47. Enright, , “Charles and Aethelwulf,” p. 298.Google Scholar

48. Stafford, , Queens, Concubines and Dowagers, p. 131.Google Scholar

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51. Annales Bertiniani: s.a. 866.

52. Nelson, , Charles the Bald, p. 131Google Scholar. Prudentius comments that Charles took Ermentrude as wife and empress (Annales Bertiniani: s.a, 842): “uxorem ducit atque Augustam.” This untimely use of the title “empress” is not easily explained, as no imperial features were yet present in Charles's regime. To Prudentius, marriage to a king simply elevated a woman to the highest status, and he appears as yet to have been unclear on the appropriate terminology.

53. Annales Bertiniani: s.a. 865.

54. Recueils des Actes de Charles le Chauve, ed. Georges, Tessier (Paris, 1943)Google Scholar, nos. 278, 248; see also nos. 12, 182, 212, 269.

55. Ibid., no. 277.

56. Ibid., no. 169: “dulcissima nobis conjunx nostra Hirmintrudis regina et sui monasterii Cale,”

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68. Ibid., p. 454: “unde sancta ecclesia solatium et regnum necessarium defensionem … possit habere.”

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