1. Cremeans, Charles Davis, The Reception of Calvinistic Thought in England (Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1949), p. 27,Google Scholar concludes that there was little continental Reformed influence in England until after the reign of Henry VIII. The most recent thorough statement of the ease for the “non-centrality” of predestination in the early English Reformation is by Hargrave, O. T., “The Doctrine of Predestination in the English Reformation” (Ph. D. diss., Vanderbilt University, 1966), pp. 23–24, 32, 49, 75, 91, 96, 154, 157, 234,Google Scholar who argues that a distinctly moderate version of the doctrine prevailed in the English Reformation prior to Genevan influence. There are certain matters of interpretation to be considered which led to disagreement with this useful and carefully researched work. Without denying that predestination was defined more sharply in the second half of the sixteenth century than in the first, or that Calvin taught a version of double-predestination more strict than many of his “Reformed” predecessors (though see infra, n. 8), one finds little evidence that Calvin's influence introduced anything really new into the teaching on predestination making it more extreme than before. Not only is the doctrine of reprobation more common before Genevan influence than Hargrave thinks, but also are many of the points he makes in establishing the “moderation” of the pre-Genevan English doctrine found in Calvin himself as well as in the Swiss Reformers before him. Hargrave suggests (pp. 24, 62, 74) that the early “moderate” doctrine was soteriological, but it has been pointed out that for Calvin himself predestination is soteriological in significance, Dowey, Edward A. Jr, The Knowledge of God in Calvin's Theology (New York: Columbia University Press, 1952), pp. 186–188Google Scholar; McDonnell, Kilian, John Calvin, The Church, and the Eucharist (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1967), pp. 169–170, 198–200CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Calvin, François Wendel, The Origins and Development of His Religious Thought, trans. Mairet, Philip (London: William Collins, Sons and Co., 1963), pp. 267–268Google Scholar; for Calvin himself see Institutes of the Christian Religion, ed. John T. McNeill, trans. Ford Lewis Battles (Philadelphia: The Westminster Press, 1970), 2:921, 961, 960, 970.Google Scholar Hargrave also finds “moderation” in the argument that the reprobate are damned for the sins they commit (pp. 22, 36, 43, 48), but this is a commonplace of Reformed theology and depends upon an Augustinian understanding of freedom, whereby the sinner freely, that is, willingly and without compulsion, Bins and therefore is responsible though he could not have done otherwise, and is finally damned for the sins he has actually committed. That Calvin too argues in this way, see Wendel, p. 281; Calvin, , Institutes, 2:957–958, 961, 981Google Scholar; Calvin, , Concerning the Eternal Predestination of God, trans. Reid, J.K.S. (London: James Clarke and Co., 1961), pp. 22–23, 91, 116–117, 122Google Scholar. Hargrave overstates the differences between Calvin and earlier Reformed theologians on predestination (pp. 67, 75, 88–89), and does not sufficiently recognize the way the former built upon the pattern of theology established by the latter. Panck, Wilhelm, The Heritage of the Reformation (London: Oxford University Press, 1968), p. 90,Google Scholar argues that Calvin repeats Bucer's predestinarianism (see also infra, n. 5). Finally, Hargrave fails to see how centrally related predestination is to such doctrines as justification, the church, the sacraments and the Christian life. On the other hand, Knox, D. B., The Doctrine of Faith in the Reign of Henry VIII (London: James Clarke and Co., 1961), pp. 13, 31, 66, 224, 233,Google Scholar recognizes the importance of predestination in the early English Reformation although his focus is on justification and predestination is brought in tangentially to that doctrine.

2. This phrase of course came into general currency after Leonard Trinterud, J., “The Origins of Puritanism,” Church History 20 (1951): 37–57,CrossRefGoogle Scholar showed the importance of this group as an influence upon the early English Reformation; with respect to the theology of the covenant he saw Genevan influence as coming late after the basic pattern had been established as a result of earlier continental influence from reformers such as Zwingli, Bullinger, Oecolampadius and Bucer.

3. Armstrong, Brian, Calvinism and the Amyraut Heresy, Protestant Scholasticism and Humanism in Seventeenth-Century France (Madison: University of Wisconsin Press, 1969), pp. xvii, xix, 32, 38, 42, 136–137,Google Scholar argues for the moderation and soteriological “rootedmess” of Calvin's doctrine of predestination and suggests Beza as one of the fathers of the more scholastic version of the doctrine in which it becomes the keystone of a theological system built around the decrees of God. William Perkins was an important English figure in the development of this scholastic doctrine of predestination. For other discussions of Calvin on predestination see Dowey, pp. 186–188, 209–219, 250–251; Wendel, pp. 263–284; and Reid, J. K. S. in his introduction to Calvin, Concerning the Eternal Predestination of God, pp. 9–44.Google Scholar

4. For a recent discussion of Luther on the will's freedom, see Ebeling, Gerhard, Luther, An Introduction to His Thought, trans. Wilson, R. A. (Philadelphia: Fortress Press, 1970), pp. 210–225.Google Scholar

5. For a full discussion of the doctrine of predestination in Bucer see Stephens, W. P., The Holy Spirit in the Theology of Martin Bucer (Cambridge: University Press, 1970), pp. 24–34;Google Scholar Stephens writes, “The doctrine of presdestination or election is one that shapes the whole of Bucer's theology” (p. 23) and “… the doctrine of election plays a central part in Bucer's theology, even when it goes almost unmentioned, it is the presupposition underlying his theology” (p. 24). It is a commonplace that Zwingli had a predilection for predestination and Augustinian theology; see Rilliet, Jean, Zwingli: Third Man of the Reformation, trans. Knight, Harold (London: Lutterworth Press, 1964), p. 123Google Scholar; Foster, Frank Hugh, “Zwingli's Theology, Philosophy, and Ethics,” supplementary chapter in Jackson, Samuel M., Huldreich Zwingli, The Reformer of German Switzerland, 1484–1581 (New York: G. P. Putnam's Sons, 1901), p. 382Google Scholar; Bromiley, G. W., ed., Zwingli and Bullinger (Philadelphia: The Westminster Press, 1953), pp. 33–34.Google Scholar Bullinger, though usually cautious in his expression of the doctrine, nonethe less gave it importance, Bulliner, Heinrich, Commonplaces of Christian Religion, (London: 1572), fols. 104^v, 106^v, 135^v, 144^r-v.Google Scholar Of the first reformer of French-speaking Switzerland it can be said, “Pour Farel, comme pour Calvin on Viret, nier la prédestination revenait à ruiner l'Evangile …”. Aubert, Louis, “L'Activité de Farel de 1550 à 1555…”, in Guillaume Farel, 1459–1565, Biographic Nouvelle Ecrite D'Apres Les Documents Oricinaux Par Un Gronpe D'Historiens, Professeurs et Pasteurs De Suisse, De France et D'Italie (Paris: Éditions Delachaux & Niestle, 1930), p. 640.Google Scholar

6. Oberman, Heiko A.. ed., Forerunners of the Reformation, The Shape of Late Medieval Thought Illustrated by Key Documents (New York: Holt, Rinehart and Winston. 1966), pp. 123–131Google Scholar; Oberman, Heiko A., The Harvest of Medieval Theology: Gabriel Biel and Late Medieval Nominalism (rev. ed. Grand, Rapids: Eerdmans, William B., 1967), pp. 185, 204–205Google Scholar; Oberman, Heiko A., Archbishop Thomas Bradwardine, A Fourteenth Century Augustinian (Utrecht: Kemink e Zoon N.V., 1957), pp. 95, 115, 135, 148, 226.Google Scholar

7. Stephens, p. 24n, 37, 38, 171; Calvin too links election to sanctification, Concerning the Eternal Predestination of God, p. 134; Institutes, 2:934–935, 960.Google Scholar

8. Stephens, p. 24, says of Bucer that, “Predestination expresses a division of men into elect and reprobate, an irrevocable division that rests on God's free decision.” Wendel, p. 282, 282n. 148, argues that Calvin's double decree doctrine derives partly from Bucer. Bullinger seems to have avoided the double predestinarian formulation; for his relationship to Calvin and predestination see Bouvier, Andre, Henri Bullinger le Successeur de Zwingli, d'après sa Correspoadance avec les reformēs et les humanistes de langue française (Paris: Librairie E. Droz, 1946 pp. 53–58.Google Scholar Even the extent to which Calvin himself taught or emphasized double predestination has been raised recently, see Dowey, pp. 209–217, Wendel, p. 280–284, and Armstrong, pp. 189–191.

9. Supra, n. 3.

10. Tyndale, William, Doctrinal Treatises and Introductions to Different Portions of the Holy Scriptures, ed. Henry, Walter (Parker Society vol. 42, Cambridge: University Press, 1848), pp. 17–19, 23, 155, 429–430Google Scholar; Tyndale, William, Expositions and Notes on Sundry Portions of the Holy Scriptures, Together with the Practice of Prelates, ed. Henry, Walter (Parker Society vol. 43, Cambridge: University Press, 1849), pp. 74–77, 103, 122, 181, 190.Google Scholar

11. Tyndale, , Doctrinal Treatises, pp. 14, 505, 63, 113.Google Scholar

12. Ibid., pp. 50–56, 77–78, 89, 109–113; Tyndale, William, An Answer to Sir Thomas More's Dialogue, The Supper of the Lord … and Wm. Tracy's Testament Expounded, ed. Henry, Walter (Parker Society vol. 44, Cambridge: University Press, 1850), pp. 35–36, 39–40, 174, 191–193.Google Scholar

13. Recent studies of Tyndale such as Clebsch, William A., England's Earliest Protestants 1520–1535 (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1964), pp. 137–204.Google ScholarTrinterud, Leonard J., “A Reappraisal of William Tyndale 's Debt to Martin Luther,” Church History 31 (1962): 24–25,CrossRefGoogle ScholarMoller, Jens G., “The Beginnings of Puritan Covenant Theology,” Journal of Ecclesiastical History 141, no. 1 (1963): 50–54,Google Scholar and Williams, C. H., William Tyndale (London: Thomas Nelson and Sons, 1969), pp. 132–134,Google Scholar recognize the insistence upon law and obedience in his theology. Perhaps, however, recognition of the importance of predestination in Tyndale will help to minimize sharp distinctions between the early and late Tyndale. Central to him always is the theme of God's grace: in his early writings he deals primarily with this in a “Lutheran” fashion, stressing free justification; in his later writings, under greater “Swiss” or “Rhineland” influence, he stresses God 's free grace in sanctification by which the elect are made holy and obedient unto salvation. But in both cases God's initiative in predestinating provided the larger context.

14. Tyndale, , Doctrinal Treatises, pp. 110–111, 90, 77, 449.Google Scholar

15. Ibid., p. 89.

16. Frith, John, Works, in The Whole Workes of W. Tyndall, Iohn Frith, and Doct. Barnes, Three Worthy Martyrs, and Principall Teachers of this Churche of England, collected and compiled in one Tome together, beyng before scattered, & now in Print here exhibited to the Church, [ed. John, Foxe] (London: by lohn Daye, 1573–1572), pp. 28, 17, 55.Google Scholar

17. Ibid., p. 10.

18. Ibid., pp. 91, 92, 95.

19. Ibid., pp. 83, 84.

20. Ibid., pp. 86, 89–90.

21. Ibid., p. 84.

22. Barnes, Robert, A Supplication Unto the most gloryous prynce Henry the viii (London: by Iohn Bydell, 1534), sigs. N 2ff.Google Scholar, 0 2^v, 0 3^v.

23. Ibid., sigs. P 2^v, P 3^v.

24. Ibid., sigs. 0 2^v, P 2, P 3, P 4^r.

25. He is so considered in Tjernagel, Neelak S., ed., The Reformation Essays of Dr. Robert Barnes (London: Concordia Publishing House, 1963), pp. 13, 15–16, 19.Google Scholar Clebsch, p. 69, however, maintains that he moves away from Lutheranism, even with respect to his doctrine of the Eucharist. Tyndale and Frith clearly teach a “Swiss” doctrine of the Supper (Tyndale, , Doctrinal Treatises, pp. 366ffGoogle Scholar; Frith, pp. 107ff, 118, 129, 141). Davies, Horton, Worship and Theology in England, From Cranmer to Hooker 1534–1603 (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1970), p. 95,Google Scholar shows the dependence of Frith's Eucharistic theology on Oecolampadius.

26. Clebsch, pp. 233–234. In its first printing it bore the title A Brefe Dialoge/bitwene a Christen father and his stobborne Sonne and was published in Strassburg. It was reprinted in 1550 with the title The True belief in Christ and his sacramentes set forth in a Dialoge betwene a Christen father and his sonne, …

27. Roy, William, trans., The True beliefe… (London for Gwalter Lynne, 1550), sig. Cvii^v.Google Scholar

28. This work was apparently translated by Fish from a Dutch version but it may well go back to a French original by William Farel, Clebsch, pp. 245–248.

29. Fish, Simon, trans., The summe of the holye scrypture and ordynary of the Christen teaching/the true Chrysten faythe/by the whiche we be all iustified … (Antwerp?; 1535),Google Scholar sigs. Aiii-iv (of the prologue), fols. iv, xi^v. It was first printed in 1529, presumably at Antwerp also. Among its references to predestination is this passage: “The everlastynge lyfe is not his that wyll or that renneth after it, but it is in the hondes and wyll of God to Gyve it to whome he wyll by his mercy,” fol. Xxi^r.

30. For details concerning Joye 's work, see Clebseh, pp. 205–228 and Butterworth, C. G. and Chester, A. G., George Joye 14951–1558, A Chapter in the History of the English Bible and English Reformation (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 1962).Google Scholar

31. Joye, George, The Letters Whyche Johan Ashwell Priour of Newnham Abbey… sente secretly to the Byshope of Lincolne, in the yeare of our Lord 1527, where in the sayde pryour accuseth George Joye… wyth the answere of the sayde George … (Antwerp: 1531!), sig. Biii^v.Google Scholar

32. Joye, George, George Joye Confuteth/Winchesters False Articles (Wesill in Cliefelande; 1543), fol. xixGoogle Scholar; Joye, George, The Refutation of the byshop of Winchesters derke declaration of his false articles … (London: 1546), fols. xlvii, lv–lvii.Google Scholar

33. George, Joye, The Refutation, fol. xlvii^vGoogle Scholar; see also fol. xlviii^r.

34. Ibid., fol. xlix^v; see also fol. 1^r.

35. Coverdale, Miles, A Confutacion of that treatise which one Iohn Standish made agaynst the protestacion of D. Barnes in the yeare 1540 (Zurich: 1541?Google Scholar), sigs. Bviii^v, Cii^r-Ciii^v Evii-Eviii, Ii, Iv^v-Ivi^r. For the determination of the early date (1541) for this work see Mozley, J. F., Coverdale and His Bibles (London: Lutterworth Press, 1953), p. 329.Google Scholar

36. Bale, John, The Image of bothe churches … Compyled by Iohn Bale an exile also in this life for the faythfull testimonye of Jesu (London: by Richarde lugge, 1548),Google Scholar sig. 00vi^v. Published only after Edward VI's accession, this work was written while Bale was in exile during the lifetime of Henry VIII, as internal evidence makes clear (for example, sig Avi^r).

37. [Ubanus Rhegius], A compaison betwene the Olde learnynge & the Newe, Translated out of Latin in Englysh by Wyliam Turner (Southwarke: James Nicolson, 1537),Google Scholar sigs. [H]i^r, [H]iii^v, [Hji^v of the supplement, “To the Christen Reader”. This supplement appeared in the 1537 edition and then subsequently in 1538 and 1548. It is presumably Turner's own work since the 1548 title page says “Augmented by W. Turner.” I have checked the 1526 latin edition of Rhegius 's work and it does not have such a supplement. This supplement has a quite different tone from the translation of Rhegius's work, and it obviously adds to his Lutheran theology a Reformed doctrine of election and the order of salvation.

38. Ridley, Launcelot, A Commentary in Englyshe upon Sayncte Paules Epystle to the Ephesyans/for the instruccyon of them that be unlerned in tonges… (1540),Google Scholar sigs. Avii^r, Aviii^r, Bi^r-v.

39. For discussion of the official formularies, see Rupp, B. G., Studies in the Making of the English Protestant Tradition (Cambridge: University Press, 1947), pp. 128–154Google Scholar; Knox, pp. 152–167; for the text of the important formularies see Charles, Lloyd, ed., Formularies of Faith Put Forth by Authority During the Reign of Henry VIII (Oxford: University Press, 1856).Google Scholar As for Henry's own theology, Searisbrick, John, Henry VIII (Berkeley and Los Angeles: University of California Press, 1969), pp. 406, 408,Google Scholar characterizes it as a “merit-theology”, having “strongly Pelagian tendeneies.”

40. The Byble, that is to say, al the holy scripture (“Matthew's Version,” 1551), the “Prologue to Romans” especially the comment on Rom. 8–10; the topical table under “Fre chose or fre wyll”, “Election”, and “Predestination” gives summary statements followed by scriptural references. For the authority of this version see Rupp, p. 50; for discussion of its compilation and the date and provenance of its notes, see Greenslade, S.L., “English Versions of the Bible, 1525–1611,” in The Cambridge History of the Bible, vol. 3: The West from the Reformation to the Present Day, ed. Greenslade, S. L. (Cambridge: Uniersity Press, 1963), pp. 149–153.CrossRefGoogle Scholar The notes in “Matthew's Bible” go back to the 1537 edition.

41. For the character and complex bibliography of these works see Parker, T.H.L., ed., English Reformers (Philadelphia: The Westminster Press, 1966), pp. 221–229.Google Scholar

42. Taverner, Richard, The Epistles and Gospelles with a brief Postyl upon the same from after Easter tyll Advent … (London: by Richard Bankes, 1540), fols. xix–xx,Google Scholar xl^v, lxvii,

43. The Lamentacion of a synner, made by the moste vertuous Lady quene Catherine… (London: Edwarde Whitechurche, 1548),Google Scholar sig. Fv^r. See also sigs. Cv-Cvi, Dv, Giii. MeConica, James K., English Humanists and Reformation Politics under Henry VIII and Edward VI (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1965), pp. 201, 215,Google Scholar treats this book as evidence of Erasmian humanism at court; her book could perhaps also be an indication of a Reformed theology of grace there.

44. For Bucer's English influence, see Hopf, Constantin, Martin Bucer and the English Reformation (Oxford: Basil Blackwell and Mott, 1946)Google Scholar; Eells, Hastings, Martin Bucer (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1931), pp. 401–414Google Scholar; and Porter, Harry C., Reformation and Reaction in Tudor Cambridge (Cambridge: University Press, 1958, pp. 51–52.Google Scholar

45. His teaching on predestination appears in The Common Places of the most famous and renowned Divine Doctor Peter Martyr (London: 1583)Google Scholar, where he affirms that “Free iustification also should perish, except we be rightlie taught of predestination” (part 3, p. 3b); the “godly” “are predestinate, to be made like unto the image of the Sonne of God … and to walke in good works” (part 3, p. 4b); “Wherefore reprobation is the most wise purpose of God, whereby he hath before all eternitie, constantlie decreed without any injustice, not to have mercie on those whom he hath not loved,” (part 3, p. 11b); See also Part 3, pp. 9–10, 13–14, 16, 18–19, 22, 25. Th portion of the Common Places dealing with predestination appeared much earlier as a treatise on predestination inserted into his Commentary on Romans, which came out in English translation in 1568 and in the original latin in 1558. In McLelland, Joseph C., “The Reformed Doctrine of Predestination according to Peter Martyr,” Scottish Journal of Theology 8 (1955): 257–271,CrossRefGoogle Scholar it becomes clear that Martyr's theology focused on the same sort of order of salvation as Bucer's, and that it gave a central place to predestination in relation to justification and sanctification (pp. 261, 267). McLelland, p. 271, does argue that Martyr was more moderate than Calvin with respect to double predestination; but Martyr speaks frequently of the reprobate, and McLelland acknowledges that for him there is a divine “rejection” of some. On the other hand Armstrong, pp. 37–38, 129–131, 158, 188, considers Martyr one of the founders of the most rigid and scholastic type of doctrine of predestination.

46. Prynne, William, Anti-Arminianisme, or the Church of Englands Old Ontithesis to New Orminianisme… (London: 1630), p. 102.Google Scholar

47. The publication history of Ochino 's sermons is complicated: there were two 1550 publications, one of fourteen sermons dealing with predestination, and another of twenty- five sermons of which the last fourteen are the ones on predestination; an earlier (1548) printing of some of his sermons does not include any of those on predestination; in 1570 the twenty-five sermons, including the fourteen on predestination, were reprinted. These sermons on predestination were apparently an English version of Italian originals written while Ochino was in Geneva, Benrath, Karl, Bernardino Ochino of Sicna: A Contribution Towards the History of the Reformation, trans. Helen Zimmern (New York: Robert Carter and Brothers, 1877), pp. 164, 208.Google Scholar Porter, p. 338, mistakenly says that Ochino preached “a notable series of anti-Calvinist sermons” while in England.

48. Benrath, pp. 152–153, 163–164, 250–260, says that while in Geneva Ochino was in agreement with Calvin on predestination but that later, after leaving England, he abandoned this strict predestinarianism.

49. Certayne Sermons of the ryghte famous and excellente Clerk Master Bernardine Ochine … (London: by Ihon Day, 1550),Google Scholar sigs. Fvii^r-v, Fviii^r-v, Gvi^r, Hiii^v, Kvi^v-Kvii^r, Lvi^v.

50. Ibid., sigs. Lii^r, Lvii^r, Lvii^r-v, Mi^r.

51. Ibid., sig. Lvi^v.

52. Certayne Sermons, or homilies, Appoynted by the kynges Maiestie, to be declared and redde … (London: Edward Whitechurche, 1547),Google Scholar sigs. Biii^v-Ciii^v, Civ^r-v, Dii^r, Diii^r-v, Dii^r, Ei^r, Hi^r.

53. Hardwick, Charles, A History of the Articles of Religion (London: George Bell and Sons, 1895), pp. 310–315.Google Scholar

54. Several early Reformed confessions do not mention reprobation or the double decres, for example the first and second “Helvetic” confessions, the Heidelberg Catechism, the Confession of Faith of Geneva and the Geneva Catechism. The French Confession of Faith, the Belgic Confession and Scotch Confession of Faith, all later than the Forty-Two Articles, mention the reprobate as those passed over in election. The seventeenthcentury Canons and Decrees of the Synod of Dort, Westminster Confession of Faith and Irish Articles, the last of “Anglican” ambience, all teach a decree of reprobation. The reticence of the English articles on this point does not differentiate them from the Reformed confessions of its own time.

55. That election was “in Christ” was a corrollary of a soteriologically rooted doctrine of predestination indicating that God's purpose to elect was not an act of His providence irrespective of the Redeemer, and the formula can be found in Calvin (McDonnell, pp. 169–170, 198; Dowey, pp. 187–188; Calvin, Institutes, 2:934, 941, 970). Calvin also emphasizes assurance as a function of predestination (Wendel, pp. 276–277; McDonnell, p. 200; Calvin, Concerning the Eternal Predestination of God, pp. 20–22, 56, 75; Calvin, Institutes, 2:922, 969–970, 975–976), and this motif becomes even more important in later Puritan theology.

56. A Short Catechisme, or plague instruction … (London: Tho. Day, 1553),Google Scholar fols. xxxvii-xxxviii. Haugaard, William P., “John Calvin and the Catechism of Alexander Nowell,” Archiv fur Reformationsgeschichte (Jahrgang 61, 1970, Heft 1), p. 55,Google Scholar 55n, discusses the relation of Ponet's catechism to later ones.

57. Certayne Sermons or homilies, sigs. Civ^r-v, Dii^r, Dii^r-v, Div^r, Ei^r, Hi^r.

58. Knox, pp. 167–171.

59. Miscellaneous Writings and Letters of Thomas Cranmer, ed. Cox, John E. (Parker Society vol. 16, Cambridge: University Press, 1846), p. 95.Google Scholar

60. The Works of Nicholas Ridley, ed. Henry Christmas (Parker Society vol. 39, Cambridge: University Press, 1841), pp. xv–xvi, 367–368.Google Scholar

61. Sermons of Hugh Latimer, ed. George Corrie (Parker Society vol 27, Cambridge: University Press 1844), pp. 305–306Google Scholar; Sermons and Remains of Hugh Latimer, ed. George Corrie (Parker Society vol.28, Cambridge: University Press, 1845), pp. 7, 147, 175, 194, 205–206.Google Scholar

62. Early Writings of John Hooper, ed. Samuel Carr (Parker Society vol. 20, Cambridge: University Press, 1843), pp. 263–264Google Scholar; Later Writings of Bishop Hooper, ed. Charles Nevinson (Parker Society vol. 21, Cambridge: University Press, 1852) pp. 25, 225–226, 274.Google Scholar

63. Robinson, Hastings, trans. and ed., Original Letters Relative to the English Reformation Written During the Reigns of King Henry VIII, King Edward VI, and Queen Mary: Chiefly From the Archives of Zurich, 2 vols. (Cambridge: University Press, 1846–1847), 1:325–328Google Scholar; 2:406.

64. The Early Works of Thomas Becon, ed. John Ayre (Parker Society vol. 23 Cambridge: University Press, 1843), pp. 72–73, 280.Google Scholar

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66. Prayers and Other Pieces of Thonas Becon, ed. John Ayre (Parker Society vol 4, Cambridge: University Press, 1844), pp. 316, 318, 608, 616.Google Scholar See also Bailey, Derrick S., Thomas Becon and the Reformation of the Church of England (Edinburgh: Oliver and Boyd, 1952), pp. 38, 105.Google Scholar

67. The Early Works of Thomas Becon, pp. 80–81.

68. The Examinations and Writings of John Philpot, ed. Robert Eden (Parker Society vol. 34, Cambridge: University Press, 1842), p. 46.Google Scholar Philpot's part in the prison controversy with the “freewillers” and a letter written from imprisonment to his congregation further bear out his commitment to the doctrine of predestination, Ibid., pp. xiv, 223–224, 270, 307.

69. A Worke of the predestination of saints wrytten by the famous doctor S. Augustine byshop of Carthage, and translated out of Latin into Enalushe, by Nycholas Lesse, Londoner. Item, another worke of the sayde Augustine, entytuled, Of the vertu of perserverance to thend, translated by the sayd N. L. (London: by the wydowe of Jhon Herforde, 1550)Google Scholar, unpaginated epistle “To the right vertuous Lady Anne, douchesse of Somerset.”

70. Of Predestination and Election made by Iohn Lambert minister of the church of Elham Anno 1550 (Canterbury: I. Mychell, 1550)Google Scholar, sigs. Aii, Aiii, Aiv, Bi, Aii (after completing B the signatures begin with A once more).

71. Crowley, Robert, The Confutation of XIII Articles, whereunto Nicholas Shaxton, late byshop of Salisburye subscribed and caused to be set forth in print the yere of our Lord mcxlvi, when he recanted in Smithfielde at London at the burning of mestres Anne Askue,… (London: by Iohn Day and William Seres, 1548)Google Scholar sigs. Ji^v, Kvi^r, Kvii^r.

72. Ibid., sig. Jiii^r.

73. Gilby, Anthony, A Briefe Treatyse of Election and Reprobacion (Geneva: 1556),Google Scholar sig. Aii^r, says that “Whereas thre yeres agoe … I dyd wryte of this matter of election and reprobation, which is called predestination, in a certain Commentary upon the Prophete Malachy, by the occasion of this texte, ‘I have loved Jacob and I have hated Esau,’… aeeomptyne thys doctrine so necessary, that upon all occasions it owght wythe reverence to be uttered, to the glory of God ….” Danner, Dan G., “Anthony Gilby: Puritan in Exile — A Biographical Approach,” Church History 40 (1971): 415–416,CrossRefGoogle Scholar 416n, analyzes Gilby's treatment of predestination and asserts his independence of Calvin while seeing him as closer to Beza; he comments on the way Gilby relates predestination to good works, but thinks that Gilby 's version of predestination is less soteriological in emphasis than Calvin's. Danner also says that Gilby 's emphasis on election to good works was not characteristic of Calvin, but for the opposite view see Wallace, Ronald S., Calvin's Doctrine of the Christian Life (Edinburgh: Oliver and Boyd, 1959), pp. 197–199,Google Scholar who says p. 199, “For Calvin, the whole purpose of our election is, indeed, our santification”. See also supra, n. 7.

74. Most recently by Hargrave, O. P., “The Freewillers in the English Reformation,” Church History, 37 (1968): 271–280.CrossRefGoogle Scholar His contention that the “freewillers” do not belong in a “radical reformation” ambience but are rather representatives of a kind of ‘proto-Arminian’ outlook, needs further investigation. The older view of Burrage, Champlin, The Early English Dissenters in the Light of Recent Research, 2 vols. (New York: Russell and Russell, 1912), 1:50–53,Google Scholar placed them among early “nonconformist” radicals.

75. Rupp, E. G.. “John Bradford, Martyr,” London Quarterly and Holborn Review 32 (01 1963): 51.Google Scholar

76. The Writings of John Bradford, … Containing Sermons, Meditations, Examinations, ed. Aubrey Townsend (Parker Society vol. 5, Cambridge: University Press, 1848), pp. 53, 65, 76, 211–220, 307–330Google Scholar; The Writing of John Bradford,… Containing Letters, Treatises, Remains, ed. Aubrey Townsend (Parker Society vol. 6, Cambridge: University Press, 1853), pp. 92, 102, 113, 128–131, 164–167, 169–171, 194–195.Google Scholar Porter, pp. 339, 341, denies that Bradford taught unconditional election because he says that only those who fail to repent shall be damned; but this formula is typical of Reformed theology—it is simply to affirm as Calvin himself did (see supra, n. 1), that no one is damned except for his sins. In several passages Bradford teaches a predestination that is irrespective of foreseen merit or repentance and is wholly a work of God's grace (The Writings of Bradford … Containing Sermons, pp. 211, 217, 219, 311; The Writings of Bradford … Containing Letters, p. 130). Rupp, E. G., “John Bradford, Martyr,” p. 52,Google Scholar calls Bradford “Perhaps the first Calvanist among the English Reformers.”

77. Writings of Bardford … Containing Sermons, p. 308.

78. Armstrong, pp. 32, 39–40, 136–137.