Article contents
The Christianization of the Magyars
Published online by Cambridge University Press: 28 July 2009
Extract
The christianization of the Magyars or Hungarians took place, as an extended process, at the turn of the first millennium of Christian history. This new acquisition to the forces of the Church signified a glorious victory for the missionary zeal that wishfully looked toward the new frontiers of the East. It also saved a nation from the folly of its ways, the end of which assuredly would have been annihilation, as in the case of the Dacians, Huns, and Avars before, in the vast sea of nationalities undulating westward from Asia, “the cradle of nations.”
- Type
- Research Article
- Information
- Copyright
- Copyright © American Society of Church History 1942
References
1 Kosáry, , Dominie, , A History of Hungary (Cleveland-New York, 1941), 7ffGoogle Scholar; Pongrácz, Sándor, A magyarság keletkezése és ⋯shazája (Budapest, 1901)Google Scholar; Németh, Gyula, A honfoglaló magyarság kialakulása (Budapest 1930)Google Scholar; Szinyei, , A magyarság eredete és honfoglaláskori müveltsége (Budapest, 1919)Google Scholar; Anonymous, De gestis Hungarorum, facsimile in Béla Király névtelen jegyz⋯jének könyve (Budapest, 1892).Google Scholar
2 Varju, János, A magyar szellemi müvelödés történelme (Debreezen, 1907), 40;Google Scholar Homan, , A honfoglaló törzsek megtelepedése in Turul, (1912)Google Scholar, and A magyarok hanfoglalása és elhelyezkedése in Magyar Nyelvtudomány Kézikönyve (Budapest, 1923), I, 34–50.Google Scholar
3 Sólymossy, Alexander, “Primitive Religion,” in The Hungarian Quarterly (Autumn, 1937).Google Scholar
4 Németh, Gyula, A honfoglaló magyarság kialakulása (Budapest, 1930).Google Scholar
5 In a letter to the Pope, written in 900, we find the following: “Quia enim christianis nostris longe a nobis positis semper imminebant et persecutione nimia affligebant, donavimus illis nullius pretiosae pecuniam substantiae, sed tantum nostra linea vestimenta, quatenus alequatenus eorum feritatem molliremus et ab eorum persecutione quesceremus.” Balics, A keresztyénség története (Budapest, 1901), 293.Google Scholar
6 Dussiex, , Essay historique sur les invasions des Hongrois en Europe (Paris, 1839);Google Scholar Lüttich, , Ungarzüge in Europa in X. Jahrhundert (Berlin, 1910)Google Scholar, and Fest, , I primi rapporti della nazione Ungherese coll'Italia (1922).Google Scholar
7 Tschan, F., The Chronicle of the Slavs by Helmold (New York, 1931).Google Scholar
8 Volf, György, Elsö keresztény téritöink (Budapest, 1896), 30ff.Google Scholar
9 János Melich, Szláv jövevényszavaink (Budapest, 1903–1905), I–IIGoogle Scholar, and A magyar nyelv szláv j⋯vevényei in Magyar Szemle (Budapest, 1910).Google Scholar
10 Volf, Gy⋯rgy, Az egyházi szláv nyelv hazája (Budapest, 1898), 8, 53, 90.Google Scholar
11 Erdélyi, , Magyar t⋯rténelem, I, 35ff.Google Scholar
12 Varju, , A magyar szellemi müvel⋯dés történelme, 42.Google Scholar
13 Homan-Szegfü, , Magyar történet, I, 153ff.Google Scholar
14 Fehér, , Bulgarisch-ungarische Beziehungen (Budapest, 1921).Google Scholar
15 The date of Stephen's baptism is a matter of conjecture. We know that Géza and his family were baptized at the time of the first missionary enterprise (972975) and they did not wait until the arrival of Adalbert twenty years later. Hungarian legends consider Adalbert the baptizing priest. The earlier legends, however, definitely say that Stephen was educated in the tenets of the Christian religion from early childhood; his name also points to his having been baptized by one of the priests of Piligrim. It is claimed that Wolfgang might have been the baptizing priest, but we know, contrary to one of the sources, that Wolfgang never reached the court of Géza. One of the chief reasons given for Stephen's adult baptism is the name Bajk or Vajk mentioned by Thietmar in his Chronicon Liber VIII. This does not hold up under examination. Since Stephen was born in 969, he must have been around five or six years old at his baptism and certainly by this time he must have had a pagan name, the use of which was not dropped, as in many other cases.
16 Voigt, Adalbert von Prag (1898).Google Scholar
17 A complete bibliography of the foreign policies of Hungary at this time may be found in Jen⋯ Horváth, , Az Arpádok diplomáciája (Budapest, 1931).Google Scholar
18 Karácsonyi, János, Szent István király élete (Nagyvárad, 1904);Google Scholar Szent István oklevelei in Századok (1901);Google Scholar A magyar nemzet áttérése a nyugati kereszténységre (Nagyvárad, 1927).Google Scholar Révész, Imre, “Szent István” in Protestáns Szemle, XLVI, 7;Google Scholar Bartoniek, Emma, A magyar királyavatáshoz in Századok (1923);Google Scholar Jen⋯ Horváth, , Szent Istvan diplomáciája (Budapest, 1937).Google Scholar
19 So successfully did Astrik present his case that the Pope, filled with joy and wonder, was moved to exclaim, “Of a truth I am only the apostolic vicar of the Lord, but your sovereign is truly an apostle, through whom the Lord converted so many to Himself.” Hartvik, Vita S. Stephani, cap. 9.
20 Hóman, , “A magyar cimer történetéhez,” in Turul, (1918–1921).Google Scholar
21 “Praedicti imperatoris gratia et hortatu gener Henrici, dueis Bawariorum, Waic, in regno suimet episcopales cathedras faciens, coronam et benedictionem accepit.” Quoted in Karácsonyi, A magyar nemzet áttérése a nyugati keresztyénségre, 13.
22 Migne, , Patrologiae cursus completus; series latina (Paris, 1884–1855), vol. 139, col. 274.Google Scholar
23 Knauz, , Monumenta ecclesiae Strigoniensis (Budapest, 1854), I, 17, 39.Google Scholar
24 Fraknói, , A magyar királyi kegyuri jog (Budapest, 1895).Google Scholar
25 Fraknói, Vilmos, Magyarország egyházi és politikai összeköttetései a római szentszékkel (Budapest, 1901), 1, 24.Google Scholar
26 Gyula Pasteiner, “Epitészeti Emlékek” XIII and XV in Osztrák-Magyar Monarchia; and Ern⋯ Foerk, “Árpádkori templomaink tipusai” in Magyar Mérnök és Épitész Egylet Közlönye (1926).
27 Hóman-Segfü, Magyar Történet, I, 201.
28 Located on the Danube River below Budapest.
29 Bartoniek, Emma, Szent István törvényeinek XII. századi kézirata:az Admonti Kodex (Budapest, 1935).Google Scholar
30 Erdélyi, Magyar történelem, I, 54.
31 Madzsar, Imre, Szent István törvényei és a Lex Baiuvariorum in Történeti Szemle (1921);Google Scholar and Závodszky, , A Szt. István, László és Kátmán korabeli törtények és zsinati határozatok (Budapest, 1904).Google Scholar
32 The names of Bonipert and Hilduin are mentioned in this connection.
33 Hóman-Szegfü, Magyar történet, I, 227.
34 Mályusz, Elemér, A patriomoniális királyság in Társadalomtudomány (1935).Google Scholar
35 Endlicher, , Rerum Hungaricarum Monumenta Arpadiana (Sangallen, 1849), 299–310.Google Scholar
36 “Therefore my son, most worthy of love, joy of my heart, hope of our future family, I beg, I counsel you to support yourself fully and in all things with faith.”
37 Florianus, M., Historiae Hungaricae Fontes Domestici (Quinqueecclesias, 1881), I, 83.Google Scholar
38 Simon, Árkád, “Szent István életmüvének lelki gyökerei” in Katholikus Szemle (1938), 449–454.Google Scholar
39 “Institutio morum” in Florianus, , Historiae Hungaricae Fontes Domestici, I, 102–112.Google Scholar
40 Galla, Ferenez, A Clunyi reform hatása Magyarországon (Budapest, 1931).Google Scholar
41 Balogh, József, “Nemzet és nemzetközisé Szent István intelmeiben” in Irodalomtörténeti Közlöny (1926);Google Scholar “Szent István és a Róma-eszme” in Budapesti Szemle (1927);Google Scholar “Szent István politikai testamentuma” in Minerva (1930);Google Scholar “A magyar királyság megalapitásának világtörténeti háttere” in Századok (1932).Google Scholar
42 Deér, Heidnisches und Christliches in der altungarischen Monarchie (1934);Google Scholar Váczy, , Die erste Epoche des ungarischen Königtums (1935).Google Scholar
- 1
- Cited by