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“Anabaptism” and Italy

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  28 July 2009

Henry A. DeWind
Henry A. DeWind
Affiliation:
Olivet College
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Extract

Modern research dealing with the radical fringe of the Reformation has by-passed the problem of that Italian evangelical movement which is usually assumed to have been connected with northern “Anabaptism.” Students of “Anabaptist” history, however, while they have sought to clarify the distinctions within the movement as well as the features common to its component parts, have laid the groundwork for a reconsideration of the precise position of the Italian radicals. One approach to the problem might focus attention on the question of the relationship of Italian reformers to the “Anabaptist” movement in general. However, it has become increasingly obvious that the term “Anabaptism” was applied to a great variety of individuals and groups which had in common little more than their condemnation of infant baptism. As new criteria have been set up for separating the parts of this confusing mixture, there stand out most prominently at the center of the “Anabaptist” movement certain sects which modern German scholars call the “Taufer,” viz., the Swiss Brethren, the Hutterite Brethren, and the Mennonites; and we shall follow their usage here. The Täufer differed from the Protestant state churches principally in their conception of the nature of the church and, in their stress on discipleship. The latter emphasis implies man's ability to lead a life patterned after the life of Christ, while their conception of the church as a closed community of voluntary believers underlay their insistence upon the need for adult baptism. This insistence, which carried with it a denial of the efficacy of infant baptism, was the point in their teachings that aroused the opposition of contemporaries, signifying, as it did, their non-conformity to established practices and institutions.

Type
Research Article
Information
Church History , Volume 21 , Issue 1 , March 1952 , pp. 20 - 38
Copyright
Copyright © American Society of Church History 1952

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References

1 The word “Täufer” means “baptizer” and consequently its use gives undue emphasis to baptism; however, since it lacks the unfortunate overtones of “Anabaptism,” it may be employed with advantage.

2 See, e.g., the articles “Benedetto,” “Benrath,” “Cittadella,” and “Ferrara” in the Mennonitisches Lexikon, ed. Hege, C. and Neff, C. (Frankfurt am Main and Weierhof [Pfalzl], 1913- ).Google Scholar

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8 There is little doubt that Bartolomeo Maturo, an Italian preacher who was accused of inciting disturbances in the Valtelline in 1529, was only a moderate evangelical reformer; but some later historians have attempted to make him out to be a purveyor of radical doctrinal heresies. Cf. Trechsel, F., Die protestantische Antitrinitarier vor Faustus Socin, Book II, Lelio Sozzini und die Antitrinitarier seiner Zeit (Heidelberg: Universitäts-Buchhandlung, 1844), p. 73Google Scholar; Schiess, , BK, I, lxx–lxxiGoogle Scholar; Cantimori, D., Eretici italiani del cinquecento (Firenaze: Sansoni, 1939), pp. 50–51 (hereafter cited as Eretici).Google Scholar

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14 Blasius to Bullinger, Chur, June 26, 1548, BK, I, No. 99; Renato to Bullinger, Chiavenna, September 21, 1548, BK, I, No. 101. Another prominent member of the Italian community who became involved in the dispute was Francesco Negri. Changeable in his attitude towards the questions at issue but in the long run orthodox, Negri gave Mainardi some uncomfortable moments. Cf. Zonta, G., “Franceseo Negri 1'eretico e la sua tragedia ‘Il Libero Arbitrio.’”; Giornale storico della letteratura italiana, LXVII, (1916), 265–324.Google Scholar

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16 Mainardi to Bullinger, Chiavenna, May 15, 1549, BK, I No. 109; August 7, 1549, BK, I, No. 110. Pietro later denied that he had held “Anabaptist” opinions. Cf. his deposition to the Bolognese Inquisition printed in Chabod, F., “Per la storia religiosa dello stato di Milano, durante il dominio di Carlo V. Note e documenti,” Annuario del R. Istituto Storico Italiano per l'età moderna e contemporanea, II–III (1936–1937), Document No. 38, p. 204.Google Scholar

17 The Täufer however also spoke of the evil of infant baptism under the Church but without founding their demand for adult baptism on this alone. Cf. Pestalozzi, C., Heinrich Bullinger: Leben und ausgewählte Schriften (Elberfeld: R. L. Friderichs, 1858), pp. 42–43Google Scholar, citing Bullinger's pamphlet, “Von der Taufe und Kindertaufe” of 1525.

18 For example, see Jones, R., Spiritual Reformers in the Sixteenth and Seventeenth Centuries (London: Macmillan, 1914)Google Scholar and Troeltsch, E., The Social Teachings of the Christian Churches, trans. Wyon, O. (Glencoe, Ill.: Free Press, 1949), Vol. IIGoogle Scholar. Pietro had been a friend of Giorgio Siculo, whom Cantimori calls a Servetian and “Anabaptist, ”Erectici, pp. 57ff, following an inference in a letter of the reformer Ginlio da Milano; cf. Comba, , Protestanti, p. 509Google Scholar. Study of Cantimori's analysis of Giorgio Siculo's writings reveals that this man was a spiritual reformer, whose emphasis on the spiritual permitted him to rationalize continued outward adherence to the old forms of religion but who had no connections with the Täufer.

19 Mainardi to Bullinger, Chiavenna, August 7, 1549, BK, I, No. 110. Cf. Comba, , Protestanti, pp. 477–519Google Scholar; Gailicius to Builinger, Chur, July 2 and 25, 1554, BK, I, No. 261, Letters 1 and 2; de Porta, op. cit., I, Part II, 80.

20 The confession is to be found in the letter of Gallicius to Bullinger of June 25, 1554, cited above, n. 19. It is also printed in de Porta, op. cit., I, Part II, 78–79.

21 It was taught by the Waldensians, for example; cf. Böhmer, H., Realencyklopädie für protestantische Theologie und Kirche, ed. Hauck, A. (Leipzig: J. C. Hinrichs'sche Buchhandlung, 1896–1913), XX, 827.Google Scholar

22 For the articles see Campell, op. cit., pp. 333–334; also cf. de Porta, op. cit., I. Part II, 101–103.

23 Mainardi to Bullinger, Chiavenna. August 4, 1550, BK, I, No. 130.

24 The confession is printed in Trechsel, op cit., Beilage II, pp. 409–414.

25 The case may be followed in letters to Bullinger by the Raetian pastors in BK, I.

26 Comander to Bullinger, Chur, April 5, 1552, BK, I, No. 181.

27 Chur, April 22, 1553, BK, I, No. 209.

28 Mainardi to Bullinger, Chiavenna, February 18, 1561, BK, II, No. 316: Trechsel, op. cit., Beilage IV, pp. 415–416.

29 For the questions see, Ibid., Beilage V, No. 1, pp. 417–419.

30 Zanchi to Bullinger, Chiavenna, August 19, 1565, BK, II, No. 715.

31 Schmidt, D., “Girolamo Zanchi,” Theologische Studien und Kritiken, XXXII (1859), 625–708.Google Scholar

32 To Zanchi we owe the apt saying: “Facile est divinare, unde hoc malum et per quos fotum: Hispanica gallina peperi Italica fovit ova; nos pipientes iam pullos audimus,” BK, II, No. 715.Google Scholar

33 Lentulo to Church of Chur, Chiavenna, May 8, 1570, de Porta, op. cit., I, Part II, 499–500; for the decree cf. Ibid., p. 501.

34 Fabricius to Bullinger, Chur, early December, 1561, BK, III, following No. 401.Google Scholar

35 Their names were Metzger and Frell.

36 Actually, when we speak of Chur, we must remember that we are dealing with a city which had few Italian residents: for we must recall that the bulk of the Italians in the Leagues, whether indigenous or fugitives, lived in the more isolated valleys to the south where Italian was spoken; and they came to Chur only for business, political, or ecclesiastical reasons, or because it was on their way to Zurich. It is not surprising, therefore, that we do not find Italians mentioned in the account of this incident.

37 Caspar Schwenckfeld of Silesia may best be described as a spiritual reformer of individualistic proclivities. He has often, though erroneously, been called an “Anabaptist.” For an account of his life cf. Schultz, S. G.. Caspar Schwenckfeld von Ossig (1489–1561) (Norristown, Pa.; Board of Publication of the Schwenckfelder Church, 1947).Google Scholar

38 Egli to Bullinger, Chur, May 23, 1570, BK, III. No. 202.Google Scholar

39 These are printed in Comba, “Un sinodo anabattista,” op. cit.

40 Ibid. Deposition II. p. 83.

41 Wilbur, E. M., A History of Unitarianism: Socinianism and its Antecedents (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1947), p. 101.Google Scholar

42 Comba, , “Un sinodo anabattista,” Deposition I, p. 23.Google Scholar

43 Ibid.

44 Ibid., Deposition II, p. 83.

45 In 1553 Vergerio informed Bullinger of the claim of some penitent “Anabaptists” in the Valtelline that Renato was responsible for all the “Anabaptism” in Italy, Vergerio to Bullinger, Vicosoprano, January 10, 1553, BK, I, No. 199, Letter 2.Google Scholar

46 Comba, , “Un sinodo anabattista,” Deposition II, p. 84.Google Scholar

47 Ibid., Deposition I, p. 22.

48 Trechsel, op. cit., pp. 82–83. An additional reason for believing that Tiziano had no contacts with Täufer in the Leagues is the fact that the Swiss Täufer were German-speaking while Tiziano, to our knowledge, had no command of that language.

49 Comba, , “Un sinodo anabattista,” Deposition I, p. 23Google Scholar; idem, Protestanti, pp. 495–496; Benrath, “Wiedertäufer,” op. cit., pp. 24–25; idem, Reformation in Vencdig, p. 80.

50 Benrath, , “Wiedertäufer,” p. 25.Google Scholar

51 Chur, February 29, 1552, BK, I, No. 179.Google Scholar

52 Comba, , Protestanti, pp. 507–509.Google Scholar

53 Ibid., p. 176, n. 2; pp. 498ff.

54 Ibid., pp. 504–505.

55 Also cf. Comander to Bullinger, Chur, April 5, 1552, BK, I, No. 181Google Scholar; Vergerio to Bullinger, Vicosoprano, July 10, 1552, BK, I, No. 187, Letter 2Google Scholar; Comander to Bullinger, Chur, April 22, 1553, BK, I, No. 209.Google Scholar

56 Comba, , “Un sinodo anabattista,” Deposition III, p. 85.Google Scholar

57 Ibid., Deposition IV, p. 87.

58 Benrath, “Wiedertäufer,” p. 26.

59 Comba, , Protestanti, pp. 491–492.Google Scholar

60 Ibid., pp. 513–514.

61 Ibid., pp. 557–587.

62 Ibid., pp. 521–554.

63 Beck, J. (ed.), Die Geschichts--Bücher der Wiedertäufer. Fontes Rerum Austriacarum, XLIII (Vienna: Carl Gerold's Sohn, 1883), pp. 239–240, 211–212, 241–243.Google Scholar

64 Berti, op. cit.; Amabile, L., II Santo Officio della Inquisizione in Napoli, Vol. I (Città di Castello: S. Lapi, 1892).Google Scholar

65 Berti, op. cit., p. 70.

66 Ibid., pp. 70–71.

67 Berti prints their depositions or the reports of their hearings.

68 Amabile, op. cit., pp. 162–163.

69 Keller, L., Die Reformation und die älteren Reformparteien (Leipzig: S. Hirzel, 1885)Google Scholar; idem, Die Anfänge der Reformation und die Ketzersehulen (Berlin: R. Gaertner, 1897).Google Scholar

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71 Professor R. H. Bainton has deposited a transcript of this statement in the Yale University Library: cf. “Venezia, Archivio di Stato, So. Officio, Busta No. 22: Varotta Marcantonio.” I have used a photostat copy of this transcript, made available by the courtesy of Professor Bainton and the Yale Library.

72 When Gentile's biographer Aretius referred to his intercourse with “Anabaptists” in Moravia, he was thinking of other heretics than the Täufer. Cf. Aretius, B., Valentini Gentilis, in Loci communes Christianae religionis (Bernae Helvetiorum: le Preux, 1604), p. 570.Google Scholar

73 E.g., Cantimori, , Eretici, pp. 311–312Google Scholar; Wilbur, op. cit., p. 235, n. 51.

74 Interestingly enough, E. M. Wilbur, who uses a very general definition of “Anabaptism” when he speaks of antitrinitarian developments in Germany, Switzerland, and Italy, finds it necessary to make serious qualifications when he treats of Polish “Anabaptism.” He says, “Despite some superficial similarities of practice there is no evidence of historical connection, [between Polish & Western Anabaptism],” op. cit., pp. 20ff.

75 The negotiations are described in Geschicht-Buch der Hutterischen Brüder, ed. R. Wolkan (Wien: Carl Fromme, 1923), pp. 339–343.Google Scholar