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Published online by Cambridge University Press: 17 February 2009
The counterpoint of radical change and durable continuity which has characterised the Communist upheaval in China is nowhere so marked as in the ambivalent attitudes towards youth and age. Traditional China was a backward-looking civilisation, espousing a view of life and of history which esteemed past over present, age over youth, authority over innovation. The twentieth century has seen a definite, often violent, conflict between the generations, with the revolt of 1911, the May Fourth movement, and the Northern Expedition each expressing an aspect of the upsurge of youthful aspiration. The emergence of a Communist government has been marked by a drastic change in the official attitude, a new preoccupation with the future rather than the past, and sustained attention to the organisation of the youth of China, from which group will come the national leaders of the generation ahead.
1 Hsu T'e-li (b. 1876), Wu Yu-chang (b. 1878), Lin Po-ch'ü (1882–1960), Hsieh Chueh-tsai (b. 1883), and Tung Pi-wu.Google Scholar
2 Huang-an (yellow peace) has now been renamed Hung-an (red peace) by the Communists. It is probable that the district formed part of the Communist-controlled Hupeh-Honan-Anhwei border area of the 1930s and that the change in nomenclature has commemorative significance.Google Scholar
3 See Wales, Nym (Mrs. Helen F. Snow), Red Dust, Autobiographies of Chinese Communists (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1952), p. 36. Tung Pi-wu's version of his career to 1937 is given on pp. 35–43.Google Scholar
4 Nym Wales, op. cit., p. 36.Google Scholar
5 For a recent version of the Wuchang uprising by a fellow-elder of the Chinese Communist Party, see Yu-chang, Wu, The Revolution of 1911 (Peking: Foreign Languages Press, 1962), pp. 117–123.Google Scholar
6 Ying, Shih (1879–1943) was also a native of Hupeh; he later became a prominent Kuomintang official and served as mayor of Nanking from 1932 to 1935.Google Scholar
7 Delegates to the first Congress included:Google Scholar
From Peking: Chang Kuo-t'ao, Liu Jen-ching.Google Scholar
From Shanghai: Li Ta, Li Han-chun.Google Scholar
From Canton: Ch'en Kung-po.Google Scholar
From Wuhan: Tung Pi-wu, Ch'en T'an-ch'iu.Google Scholar
From Changsha: Mao Tse-tung, Ho Shu-heng.Google Scholar
From Tsinan: Wang Chin-mei, Teng En-ming.Google Scholar
Representing Chinese in Japan: Chou Fo-hai.Google Scholar
Wilbur, C. Martin (ed.), The Communist Movement in China, an Essay Written in 1924 by Ch'en Kung-po (New York: East Asian Institute of Columbia University, 09 1960)Google Scholar, provides a full discussion of data bearing upon the first Congress (pp. 14–29) and texts of the only documents apparently extant from that historic meeting. T'an-ch'iu, Ch'en (Ch'en Pan-tsu) has given an account in his “Reminiscences of the First Congress of the Communist Part of China,” Communist International (New York), XIII, 10 1936, pp. 1361–1366Google Scholar. Pi-wu's, Tung account, “The Main Problems of the First National Congress,” appeared in the Peking People's Daily (Jen-min Jih-pao) on 06 30, 1961, and was translated in Survey of China Mainland Press (Hong Kong: U.S. Consulate-General), No. 2545, 07 26, 1961, pp. 1–5.Google Scholar
8 Communists elected to the second Central Executive Committee of the Kuomintang in 01 1926 were: T'an P'ing-shan, Lin Po-ch'ü, Li Ta-chao, Yu Shu-te, Wu Yu-chang, Yang P'ao-an and Yun Tai-ying.Google Scholar
9 Recent discussions of the contemporary political situation and spectrum include North, Robert C. and Eudin, Xenia J., M. N. Roy's Mission to China: the Communist-Kuomintang Split of 1927 (Berkeley: California Univ., 1963)Google Scholar and Ch'en, Jerome, “The Left Wing Kuomintang—a Definition,” Bulletin of the School of Oriental and African Studies, University of London, XXV, Part 3, 1962, pp. 557–576.Google Scholar
10 During 1926–27, Li Han-chun had served under Teng Yen-ta in the general political department of the National Revolutionary Army. Several sources indicate that Li was not a member of the Communist party in 1927, and that the Kuomintang authorities at Wuhan knew this.Google Scholar
11 Deciphered, this statement presumably means that Tung was elevated to full membership on the new Central Committee formed in 01 1935; as indicated above, he had been elected to alternate membership in 01 1934.Google Scholar
12 The Chinese delegation included: T. V. Soong (chairman), Wellington Koo, Wang Ch'ung-hui, Wei Tao-ming, Hu Shih, Wu Yi-fang, Li Huang, Carsun Chang, Tung Pi-wu and Hu Lin.Google Scholar
13 See dispatch by Atkinson, Mr., New York Times, 04 22, 1945.Google Scholar
14 Chang Han-fu is now Vice Minister of Foreign Affairs in Peking. Ch'en Chia-k'ang has been ambassador to the United Arab Republic since 06 1956, accredited concurrently to Yemen since 1958. I am indebted to Mr. Donald W. Klein for these identifications.Google Scholar
15 A Chinese version, Chung-kuo Chieh-fang-ch'u Shih-lu, was published in San Franciso in 1946. See Hsueh, Chun-tu, The Chinese Communist Movement, 1937–1949 (Stanford: The Hoover Institution, 1962), item 63, pp. 30–31.Google Scholar
16 The top members of the seventh Central Committee, ranked according to the number of votes received in the 06 1945 election, were: Mao Tse-tung, Chu Teh, Liu Shao-ch'i, Jen Pi-shih (died 10 1950), Lin Po-ch'ü, Lin Piao, Tung Pi-wu (in absentia) and Ch'en Yun. Chou En-lai was of course also elected to the Political Bureau in 1945.Google Scholar
17 The delegation included Chou En-lai, Tung Pi-wu, Wang Jo-fei, Yeh Chien-ying, Wu Yu-chang, Lu Ting-yi and Teng Ying-ch'ao.Google Scholar
18 An official American account is given in U.S. Department of State, United States Relations with China, with special reference to the period 1944–1949 (Washington: 1949).Google Scholar
19 For an informed account of the programme and the period, see Ray, J. Franklin Jr., UNRRA in China, A Case Study of the Interplay of Interests in a Program of International Aid to an Underdeveloped Country. Secretariat Paper No. 6, prepared for the Tenth Conference of the Institute of Pacific Relations (New York: Institute of Pacific Relations, 1947).Google Scholar
20 The Communist allegations were denied by T. F. Tsiang, then director of CNRRA in Shanghai.Google Scholar
21 It was usually stated that the convoys were not adequately marked, that combat pilots had mistaken them for legitimate military targets, and that steps had been taken to prevent recurrence of such incidents.Google Scholar
22 Specifically, this new government represented an amalgamation of two large administrative areas which had developed during the Japanese war (Shansi-Chahar-Hopei and Shansi-Hopei-Shantung-Honan), as well as adjacent Communist-controlled areas in nearby provinces. For details, see “The Evolution of the North China Region (1948–1952),” Current Background (Hong Hong: U.S. Consulate-General) No. 161, 02 20, 1952.Google Scholar
23 The régime in the north-east (Manchuria) was earlier, but the top organ of government there remained the North-East Administrative Committee until the late summer of 1949. At that time, for reasons that are still obscure, the regional régime at Mukden was raised in status to become the North-East People's Government. That change took place on 08 27, 1949, only a month before the establishment of the Central People's Government in Peking.Google Scholar
24 K'o Ch'ing-shih, now a member of the Political Bureau of the party and mayor of Shanghai, was mayor of Shih-chia-chuang in 1948.Google Scholar
25 On 02 25, the North-East Administrative Committee transferred the East Hopei (Chi-tung) area to the jurisdiction of the North China People's Government. After the establishment of the Central People's Government on 10 1, 1949, the Government Administration Council decided on 10 25 to place the North China area under the direct jurisdiction of the central government. The North China People's Government thus terminated operations at the end of that month, and its functions were taken over by the Government Administration Council on 11 1, 1949.Google Scholar
26 Four of the five Communist party elders (Lin Po-ch'ü, Tung Pi-wu, Wu Yu-chang and Hsu T'e-li) were included in this group, as was Cheng Wei-san who, along with Tung Pi-wu and Ch'en T'an-ch'iu, had been one of the early leaders in the Hupeh branch of the party during the 1920s. Hsieh Chueh-tsai, the fifth elder, was included in the group representing the social scientists, along with Ch'en Po-ta, Ch'en Shao-yu and Ai Ssu-ch'i.Google Scholar
27 See Chung-hua Jen-min Kung-ho-kuo K'ai-kuo Wen-hsien (Hong Kong: Hsin Min-chu, Ch'u-pan-she, 1949), pp. 241–245.Google Scholar
28 See, for example, his report on “conferences of representatives of the people,” presented at the first North China Conference of Hsien Magistrates on 09 23, 1951. The full text of this report was carried by the Peking People's Daily (Jen-min Jih-pao) on 01 30, 1952, and was translated in Current Background, No. 162, 02 22, 1952.Google Scholar
29 Pi-wu's, Tung 1956 report on legal work is given in Eighth National Congress of the Communist Party of China, II, Speeches (Peking: Foreign Languages Press, 1956), pp. 79–97.Google Scholar
30 The top members of the eighth Central Committee, ranked according to the number of votes received in the 09 1956 election, were: Mao Tse-tung, Liu Shao-ch'i, Lin Po'ch'ü (died 05 1960), Teng Hsiao-p'ing, Chu Teh, Chou En-lai, Tung Pi-wu, Ch'en Yun, Lin Pao and Wu Yu-chang.Google Scholar
31 The Central Control Commission is subordinate to, not parallel with, the Central Committee of the Communist Party. The Communist system thus differs from that in the pre-1949 Kuomintang. The Kuomintang had two top organs, the Central Executive Committee (CEC) and the Central Supervisory Committee (CSC), which were theoretically at the same level. Under the Communist system, the Control Commission is inferior in rank and authority to the Central Committee, and is thus ostensibly intended to deal with cases involving middle- or lower-level party members.Google Scholar
32 In becoming a vice-chairman of the government, Tung Pi-wu relinquished the Supreme Court post to his fellow party-elder, Hsieh Chueh-tsai.Google Scholar
33 His reminiscences of the 1921 congress appeared in the Peking People's Daily on 06 30, 1961; see full citation given in footnote 7, above. His speech of 10 9, 1961, at the rally marking the fiftieth anniversary of the 1911 revolution is translated in Current Background, No. 667, 11 6, 1961, pp. 4–11.Google Scholar
34 Li Hsien-nien is from Huang-an (now Hung-an), Tung Pi-wu's native hsien. Lin Piao is a native of neighbouring Huang-kang hsien, seat of Huang-chou prefecture under the empire.Google Scholar
35 Cheng was a member of the presidium of the Eighth National Congress of the Chinese Communist Party in 09 1956, and was re-elected to membership on the Central Committee at that time.Google Scholar
36 Nym Wales, op. cit., p. 35.Google Scholar