Hostname: page-component-78c5997874-4rdpn Total loading time: 0 Render date: 2024-11-10T01:44:41.976Z Has data issue: false hasContentIssue false

Treading with Caution: China's Multidimensional Interventions in the Gulf Region

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  04 March 2019

Imad Mansour*
Affiliation:
Department of International Affairs, Qatar University, Doha, Qatar. E-mail: [email protected].

Abstract

This article demonstrates the growing adaptability of Chinese foreign policy to Gulf states’ expectations around issues that implicate them directly or are relevant (such as relations with the US, and the wars in Yemen and Syria). Gulf states reacted positively because China's approach incrementally integrated local demands in its strategizing, especially by finding common ground with Gulf states despite their own differences; China has done so while not being tied to a “hegemonic idea” (i.e. it is not trying to control or define Gulf politics). China's incrementalist and non-hegemonic regional approach significantly increased Gulf states’ acceptance of its interventions, adapted to Gulf states’ expectations, and, crucially, has been altering what these states expect of major powers in general. The article concludes by proposing that unfolding Gulf politics in light of the June 2017 GCC crisis is very likely to present China with multiple opportunities to demonstrate the adroitness of its strategic choices vis-à-vis the region.

摘要

本文表明, 中国外交政策的适应性日益增强, 因为它涉及海湾国家与美国直接相关的期望以及也门和叙利亚的战争。海湾国家的反应是积极的, 因为中国的做法逐渐结合了当地的战略要求, 特别是与海湾国家就自己的分歧找到共同点;中国已经这样做了, 而不是被束缚于 “霸权主义” (即它并不试图控制或定义海湾政治)。中国的渐进式和非霸权式的区域方式大大增加了海湾国家接受其干预措施, 适应海湾国家的预期, 并且最重要的是一直在改变这些国家对一般大国的期望。本文最后提出, 鉴 于 2017 年 6 月海湾合作委员会危机, 展开的海湾政治很可能为中国提供多种机会来展示其对该地区战略选择的熟练程度。

Type
Research Article
Copyright
Copyright © SOAS University of London 2019 

Access options

Get access to the full version of this content by using one of the access options below. (Log in options will check for institutional or personal access. Content may require purchase if you do not have access.)

References

Abu Mraihel, Ali. 2016. “Al-Dawr al-Sini fil-Azma al-Souriyya” (China's role in the Syrian crisis), AlJazeera, 9 November.Google Scholar
Akbarzadeh, Shahram. 2015. “Iran and the Shanghai Cooperation Organization: ideology and realpolitik in Iranian foreign policy.” Australian Journal of International Affairs 69(1), 88103.Google Scholar
Al-Khsheiban, Ali. 2016. “‘Bayn atash al-Seen lil-petrol wa-irtiwa’ America: Ayn yakmun al-mustakbal” (Between China's thirst for oil and America's sufficiency: where is the future?), Al-Riyadh, 31 October.Google Scholar
Al-Sudairi, Mohammed Turki A. 2016. “Adhering to the ways of our Western brothers: tracing Saudi influences on the development of Hui Salafism in China.” Sociology of Islam 4(1–2), 2758.Google Scholar
Al-Tarifi, Adel. 2012. “Hal Tu'ayed al-Seen Haqqan Bashar al-Asad?” (Does China really support Bashar al-Asad?), Al-Sharq al-Awsat 15 February.Google Scholar
Allison, Graham. 2016. “Is Iran still Israel's top threat?” The Atlantic, 8 March.Google Scholar
Alsuhaimi, Abeed, and Alqudsi, Hiba. 2015. “Khubaraa Khalijiuun wa Amerkeun: ‘Camp David’ khuttat amal moushtaraka” (Gulf and American Experts: ‘Camp David’ is a mutual work plan), Al-Sharq Al-Awsat, 16 May, https://aawsat.com/print/361396. Accessed 22 November 2018.Google Scholar
Althanyan, Fahd. 2016. “Wazeer altijara alsini lilriyadh” (China's trade minister speaks to Alriyadh), Alriaydh, 21 January, http://www. Accessed 23 November 2018.Google Scholar
Aluwaisheg, AbdelAziz. 2014. [in Arabic] “Tareeq al-Hareer Al-Jadida bayna al-Seen wal-Khaleej” (The new Silk Road between China and the Gulf), Al-Watan, 4 February, https://goo.gl/afk583.Google Scholar
Aluwaisheg, AbdelAziz. 2016. “GCC-US summit and the enduring partnership,” Eurasia Review, 28 April, https://goo.gl/eQnOJ6.Google Scholar
Aluwaisheg, AbdelAziz. 2016. [in Arabic] “Amn al-Khaleej wal-Idara al-Amerkeea bi-qiyadat Trump” (Gulf Security and the American Administration under Trump's leadership), Al-Watan, 23 November, https://goo.gl/5DhEle.Google Scholar
Behbehani, Hashim S. H. 1981. China's Foreign Policy in the Arab World: 1955–1975. London: Kegan Paul.Google Scholar
Bin Huwaidin, Mohamed. 2002. China's Relations with Arabia and the Gulf 1949–1999. London: Routledge.Google Scholar
Botobekov, Uran. 2017. “Al-Qaeda and Islamic State take aim at China” The Diplomat, 8 March.Google Scholar
Cafiero, Giorgio, and Wagner, Daniel. 2015. “How the Gulf Arab rivalry tore Libya apart.” The National Interest, 11 December, https://nationalinterest.org/feature/how-the-gulf-arab-rivalry-tore-libya-apart-14580.Google Scholar
Calabrese, John. 1990. “From flyswatters to silkworms: the evolution of China's role in West Asia.” Asian Survey 30(9), 864–66.Google Scholar
Darwish, Ibrahim. 2016. “Fee zoll al-Talaq al-Amerki… Al-Saudiya tabhath an badeel fil-Seen” (In light of the American divorce, Saudi Arabia look for an alternative in China), Al-Quds Al-Arabi 15 October, http://www.alquds.co.uk/?p=613767.Google Scholar
Garver, John W. 2016. “China and Iran: an emerging partnership post-sanctions.” Middle East Institute Policy Focus 3.Google Scholar
Garver, John. 2013. “China–Iran relations: cautious friendship with America's nemesis.” China Report 49(1), 7274.Google Scholar
Karima, Adnan 2014. “al-Seen Tatajaouz Mawqifaha al-Siyasi min al-Azma al-Souriyya” (China overcomes it political stance towards the Syrian Crisis), Rai al-Youm, 23 January.Google Scholar
Kéchichian, Joseph. 2016. “Saudi Arabia and China: the security dimension,” Middle-East–Asia Project, The Middle East Institute, 9 February, https://goo.gl/uQyE48.Google Scholar
Khalaf, Kamal. 2016. “al-Seen Tu'ayen mab'outhan khasan laha ila Souriyya” (China appoints a special envoy to Syria), Rai al-Youm, 29 March.Google Scholar
Khalil, Ahmad Bilal. 2016. “The rise of China–Afghanistan security relations,” The Diplomat, 23 June.Google Scholar
Li, Lianxing, and Haipei, Cui. 2012. “Beijing remains impartial on Syria issue,” China Daily, 7 February.Google Scholar
Li, Xuem, and Yuwen, Zheng. 2016. “The future of China's diplomacy in the Middle East,” The Diplomat, 26 July.Google Scholar
Luft, Gal. 2016. “China's new grand strategy for the Middle East,” Foreign Policy, 26 January.Google Scholar
Lynch, Marc. 2016. “What's really wrong with the US–Saudi relationship,” The Washington Post, 20 April.Google Scholar
Mansour, Imad. 2017. “Ta'qeeb ala al-Seen wa Namouzajaha fil-Tanmiya” (Reflections on China's “development paradigm”). In Arab-Chinese Relations. Beirut: Center for Arab Unity Studies.Google Scholar
Meick, Ethan. 2014. “China's reported ballistic missile sale to Saudi Arabia: background and potential implications,” China Economic and Security Review Commission, 16 June.Google Scholar
Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the People's Republic of China. 2014. “China's Five Principles for a Comprehensive Solution of the Iranian Nuclear Issue, 19 February, https://www.fmprc.gov.cn/mfa_eng/wjb_663304/zzjg_663340/jks_665232/jkxw_665234/t1129941.shtml. Accessed 23 November 2018.Google Scholar
Mzahem, Haytham. 2016. “Qira'a fi khalfiyyat raghbat al-Seen bitatweer alaqatiha al-askariyy ma’ Souriyya” (A reading in the sources of China's desire to develop military relations with Syria), AlMayadeen, 18 August.Google Scholar
Olimat, Muhamad. 2012. China and the Middle East: From Silk Road to Arab Spring. London: Routledge.Google Scholar
Panda, Ankit. 2017. “The Chinese Navy's Djibouti base,” The Diplomat, 27 February.Google Scholar
Pei, Minxin. 2012. “Why Beijing votes with Moscow,” New York Times, 7 February.Google Scholar
Ramani, Samuel. 2017. “China's role in the Yemen crisis,” The Diplomat, 11 August.Google Scholar
Saidy, Brahim. 2016. “Building an integrated missile defense architecture for Gulf states.” In Des Roches, David B., and Thafer, Dania (eds.), The Arms Trade, Military Services and the Security Market in the Gulf States. Berlin: Gerlach Press.Google Scholar
Scita, Jacopo. 2018. “Iran and the SCO: A Long Political Gestation,” LSE Middle East Centre, 30 August, http://blogs.lse.ac.uk/mec/2018/08/30/iran-and-the-sco-a-long-political-gestation/. Accessed 23 November 2018.Google Scholar
Shalabi, Amin. 2014. “Al-Seen min al-Quwwa al-Salba ila al-Quwwa al-Naima” (China moving from hard power to soft -power), Al-Ahram, 5 January.Google Scholar
Shichor, Yitzhak. 1992. “China and the Middle East since Tiananmen.” The ANNALS of the American Academy of Political and Social Science 519(1), 86100.Google Scholar
Sun, Degang, and Zoubir, Yahia. 2014. “China's response to the revolts in the Arab World: a case of pragmatic diplomacy.” Mediterranean Politics 19(1), 220.Google Scholar
Sun, Yun. 2012. “Syria: what China had learned from its Libya experience.” Asia Pacific Bulletin 152, 27 February.Google Scholar
Tiezzi, Shannon. 2015. “ISIS: Chinese hostage ‘executed’,” The Diplomat, 19 November.Google Scholar
Weinberger, Sharon. 2018. “China has already won the drone wars,” Foreign Policy, 10 May, https://foreignpolicy.com/2018/05/10/china-trump-middle-east-drone-wars/. Accessed 23 November 2018.Google Scholar
Woodward, Bob. 2004. Plan of Attack: The Definitive Account of the Decision to Invade Iraq. NY. Simon & Schuster.Google Scholar
Zenko, Micah. 2015. “Make no mistake – the United States is at war in Yemen,” Foreign Policy, 30 March.Google Scholar
Zhongmin, Liu. 2016. “Historical evolution of relationship between China and the Gulf Region.” Journal of Middle Eastern and Islamic Studies (in Asia) 10(1), 45.Google Scholar