Published online by Cambridge University Press: 17 February 2009
Although many readers would probably interpret William Parish's article in the previous issue of The China Quarterly (“Factions in Chinese Military Politics,” CQ, No. 56, pp. 667–699) as an attack on my 1969 assessment of the historic role of the Field Army in post-1950 Chinese politics, I am nevertheless sincerely grateful to him for keeping the dialogue about “loyalty systems” alive. Indeed, I am struck by the irony of our respective positions. He seems to argue that, while the Field Army loyalty system apparently (according to my statistics) had little demonstrable impact on elite assignments before the Cultural Revolution, the same system apparently (according to his statistics) helps clarify factional behaviour within the PLA during and after the Cultural Revolution. The irony of this is doubled since the statistical evidence which I now have available argues that “the old boy net” of the Field Armies actually had a diminishing impact on the domestic politics of China in the late 1960s. By then the Military Region as a geo-political unit had replaced the Field Army as a temporary focus of individual and collective PLA loyalties.
1. “The Field Army in Chinese Communist military politics,” CQ, No. 37 (1969), pp. 1–30CrossRefGoogle Scholar.
2. See Whitson, William W., Chinese Military and Political Leaders and the Distribution of Power in China, 1956–1971 (The Rand Corporation, R-1091-DO5/ ARPA, 1973Google Scholar) for an updating of statistics about alternative loyalty systems in China.
3. Whitson, William W., The Chinese High Command, 1927–1971; A History of Communist Military Politics (New York: Praeger, 1973Google Scholar).