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Sneevliet and the Early Years of the CCP
Published online by Cambridge University Press: 17 February 2009
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The formative years of the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) have long remained one of the most obscure periods in the recent past of China. There remain many puzzles about why and how the alliances, between the CCP and the Kuomintang (KMT) on the one hand and Soviet Russia on the other, came about in the early 1920s.
For the last four years I have been studying the establishment and first years of the CCP, at the same time paying attention to the foundation and first years of the Indische Sociaal Democratische Vereniging (ISDV), which was later to become the Partai Kommunis Indonesia (PKI). In this connexion I have been specially interested in outlining the origins of that strategy whereby Communist Party members entered a nationalist mass movement and tried to capture it from within.
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References
1. See Bing, Dov, “Revolution in China: Sneevlietian strategy,” xvii, 247 pages, M.A. thesis, University of Auckland, 1968Google Scholar. The translation into Chinese and publication of this study is being undertaken by the History Department of the Chinese University of Hong Kong. It will appear in the next three or four issues of Shih Ch'ao, the first of which was due out in September of this year.
2. See Sneevliet, H. and Westerveld, , “Toetreding van Europeanen tot de Sarekat Islam” (“Admission of Europeans as Members to the Sarekat Islam”), Het Vrije Woord (The Free World) (Semarang), 10 11 1916Google Scholar. See also Perthus, Max (ed.), Voor Vrijheid en Socialisme (For Freedom and Socialism) (Rotterdam, 1953), p. 52Google Scholar. Only a few copies of this book were issued for private distribution. Besides a series of articles commemorating Sneevliet and his friends, members of the outlawed Marx-Lenin-Luxemburg Front in German-occupied Holland, the book contains four valuable documents on the Chinese Revolution. These are referred to below in footnotes 4, 58, 63 and 76. See also Isaacs, Harold, “Notes on a Conversation with H. Sneevliet: The Chinese Question, 1920–23,” Amsterdam, 19 08 1935Google Scholar; published in The China Quarterly, No. 45 (01–03 1971), pp. 102–109.Google Scholar
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12. Maring, M., “Bericht des Genossen H. Mating …,” p. 1.Google Scholar
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16. Ibid.
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25. Sneevliet, H., “Met en bij Soen Yat-sen, enige Persoonlijke Herinneringen” (“My Association with Sun Yat-sen, some Personal Memoirs”), Klassenstrijd (Class Struggle) (Amsterdam) No. 3 (03 1926)Google Scholar. Sneevliet, H., “Persoonlijke Indrukken van Soen Yat Sen” (“Personal Impressions of Sun Yat-sen”), De Arbeid (Labour) (Amsterdam), 28 03 1925, p. 2Google Scholar. Ke-ming wen-hsien (Documents of the Revolution), Vol. II (Taipei, 1954), pp. 518–519Google Scholar. Kai-shek, Chiang, “Cheng-li wen-hua i-ch'an yü kai-chin min-tsu hsi-hsing” (“Reorganization of the Cultural Heritage and Improvement of the National Character”), Chung-kuo i-chou (China Weekly) (Taipei), No. 112, 16 06 1952.Google Scholar
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28. Loc. cit.
29. Maring, M., “Bericht des Genossen H. Maring …,” p. 10.Google Scholar
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31. Maring, G., “Revoliutsionnoe dvizhenie v iuzhnom Kitae” (“The Revolutionary Movement in South China”), Kommunisticheskii International (Communist International (Moscow), No. 22 (1922) pp. 5803–5816Google Scholar. See Bing, Dov, “Revolution in China: Sneevlietian strategy,” pp. 214–229Google Scholar, for a translation of this article.
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33. It is doubtful if Sneevliet did, in fact, visit Wu P'ei-fu. There is no evidence of this in his own writings. This account is based on Ching-wei, Wang, Wang Chingwei hsien-sheng ti wen-chi (Collected writings of Wang Ching-wei) (Shanghai, n.d.), Vol. III, pp. 132–133.Google Scholar
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35. Maring, H., “Uit het Verre Oosten,” 19 03 1922Google Scholar, in De Tribune, 8 05 1922, p. 1Google Scholar. Maring, M., “Bericht des Genossen H. Maring ….” pp. 8–12.Google Scholar
36. According to documents in the Dutch Foreign Ministry archives, Sneevliet left Canton on 3 February 1922 on his way to Peking. He travelled via Swatow and Shanghai where he arrived on or about 7 March 1922. He stayed in Shanghai for nearly two weeks and on 19 March he left for Peking where he arrived four days later. He stayed in the Hotel des Wagon Lits and on 29 March left Peking again for Shanghai.
37. Maring, M., “Bericht des Genossen H. Maring …,” p. 12.Google Scholar
38. Ibid.
39. Maring, M., “Bericht des Genossen H. Maring …,” p. 12Google Scholar. For an account of who was present, see “Notes on a Conversation with H. Sneevliet,” The China Quarterly, No. 45, p. 104Google Scholar. This says only “… one other, a very capable Hunanese student whose name I do not remember.” There were two such possible Hunanese students in the Party at that time, Ts'ai Ho-shen and Mao Tse-tung. Since Ts'ai only returned from France in June 1922, it must have been Mao who attended. S. A. Dalin, “Velikii povorot. Sun Yat Sen v 1922 g” (“The Great Turning-point. Sun Yat-sen in 1922”), in Tikhvinskii, S. L. (ed.), Sun Yat Sen 1866–1966. K stoletiu so dnia rozhdeniia, Sbornik stafei vospominanii i materialov (Sun Yat-sen 1866–1966. On the Occasion of the Centenary of his Birth. Collection of articles, reminiscences and materials) (Moscow, 1966), p. 255Google Scholar. Dalin, Sergei, V riadakh kitaiskoi revoliutsii (In the Ranks of the Chinese Revolution) (Moscow, 1926)Google Scholar. See “Iz putevykh ochrekov. Vstrecha I Maia v Guan-chzhou s Sun' Yat-senom” (“Travelling observations: Meeting on the first day of May at Canton with Sun Yat-sen”). Dalin, Sergei, “Sun Yat Sen, k godovshchine smerti” (“Sun Yatsen, Anniversary of his Death”), Izvestiia, 59, 1926Google Scholar. kuo-t'ao, Chang, “Wo-ti hui-i,” Ming pao, Vol. I, No. 8, pp. 76–84.Google Scholar
40. Maring, M., “Bericht des Genossen H. Maring …,” p. 12.Google Scholar
41. Maring, M., “Bericht des Genossen H. Maring …,” p. 12Google Scholar. “Notes on a Conversation with H. Sneevliet,” The China Quarterly, No. 45. The decision to adopt “Sneevlietian strategy” has become one of the most debated issues in the early history of the CCP and KMT. The First Plenum has never before been reported. Events surrounding the Second Plenum are most complex and often contradictory. A Third Plenum, also unreported, took place in February 1923. In this brief account of the establishment and first years of the CCP I shall not touch upon these issues, but will do so in another paper.
42. The above-mentioned decisions were taken while Sneevliet was still in Shanghai. Kuo-fao, Chang, “Wo ti hui-i,” Ming-pao yüeh-k'an, Vol. I, No. 8, pp. 75, 76.Google Scholar
43. Sneevliet left Peking on 29 March 1922 and, assuming that he travelled four days to get back to Shanghai, he returned on 2 April 1922. Thus the First Hangchow Plenum must have taken place between 2 and 23 April 1922. Letter from “De Waarnemend Consul-Generaal” to “Zijne Excellentie den Gouverneur van Nederlandsch Indie, Buitenzorg.” Dated Shanghai, , 27 04 1922Google Scholar. G/37, No. 921.
44. Letter from H. S. (H. Sneevliet) to Mrs. E. J. Sneevliet-Brouwer, teacher, Traverdoeli, Semarang, Java. Dated Chita, , 2 09 1922Google Scholar. Letter F6, 4523, No. 698 Geh.A.P. (Archive of the Dutch Ministry of Colonial Affairs). “Aus der Internationale: Sitzung der Exekutive der Komintern vom 17. Juli,” (“From the International: Session of the Executive of the Comintern of 17 July”), Internationale Presse Korrespondenz (International Press Correspondence), No. 145 (Berlin, 25 07 1922), pp. 929, 930Google Scholar. I have identified “Genosse M.” in this report as Comrade Maring, alias Sneevliet.
45. Maring, M., “Bericht des Genossen H. Maring …,” pp. 8–10.Google Scholar
46. Kara-Murza, T. and Mif, P., Strategist i taktika Kominterna v Natsionalno-Kolonialnoi Revoliutsii na primere kitaya (Comintern Strategy and Tactics in the National-Colonial Revolution, for example China) (Moscow, 1934), p. 112.Google Scholar
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48. “Aus der Internationale: Sitzung …,” Inprekorr, No. 145 (25 07) p. 929.Google Scholar
49. Maring, M., “Bericht des Genossen H. Maring …,” p. 9Google Scholar. Maring, G., “Revoliutsionnoe …,” Kommunisticheskii Internasional, No. 22, pp. 5803–5816Google Scholar. See Bing, Dov, “Revolution in China: Sneevlietian strategy,” pp. 217–219.Google Scholar
50. “Aus der Internationale: Sitzung …,” Inprekorr, No. 145 (25 07), pp. 929, 930.Google Scholar
51. Ibid.
52. Maring, M., “Bericht des Genossen H. Maring …,” p. 3.Google Scholar
53. “Aus der Internationale: Sitzung …,” Inprekorr, No. 145, (25 07 1922), p. 930.Google Scholar
54. Maring, M., “Bericht des Genossen H. Maring …,” p. 12.Google Scholar
55. “Notes on a Conversation with H. Sneevliet,” The China Quarterly, No. 45.
56. Maring, M., “Bericht des Genossen H. Maring …,” p. 12.Google Scholar
57. Ibid.
58. “Aus der Internationale: Sitzung …,” Inprekorr, No. 145 (25 07 1922), p. 930Google Scholar. “It was decided to issue a letter to the Communist Parties of China and Japan. Comrade M. was entrusted with the formulation of these letters.” Communist International order for the Chinese Communist Party, 18 July 1922. “The Central Committee of the Communist Party of China according to the decision of the Presidium of Comintern of 18 July must remove its seat to Canton immediately after receiving this note and do all its work in close contact with Comr. PHILIPP.” Comrade Philipp was one of Sneevliet's many Comintern names. The original document was typed on linen to enable Sneevliet to hide it. Voor Vrijheid en Socialisme …, p. 60.Google Scholar
59. “Notes on a Conversation with H. Sneevliet,” The China Quarterly, No. 45Google Scholar. See also Bing, Dov, “Revolution in China: Sneevlietian strategy,” Chapter XIII, pp. 125–147.Google Scholar
60. Chung-kuo kung-ch'an-tang tui-yü shih-chü ti chu-chang (Manifesto of the CCP on the Current Situation), 15 06 1922Google Scholar (n.p., Central Committee of the Chinese Communist Party, 17 June 1922).
61. Ibid.
62. Kuo-t'ao, Chang, “Wo ti hui-i,” Ming-pao yüeh-k'an, Vol. I, No. 8, pp. 72–82Google Scholar. Tu-hsiu, Ch'en, Kao ch'üan-tang t'ung-chih shu (Letter to all Comrades of the Party) (Shanghai, 10 12 1929), p. 2Google Scholar. Kung-po, Ch'en, The Communist Movement in China, p. 89Google Scholar. Chang claims that the First Manifesto was mainly based on the decisions of the First Congress of the Toilers of the Far East which he had attended in January 1922 in Moscow and Petrograd. Ch'en Kung-po and Ch'en Tu-hsiu support Chang in this assertion. No doubt this Congress influenced the Chinese Communists to some extent, though it should be pointed out that the First Hangchow Plenum must have played a more decisive role in this respect Both Ch'en Tu-hsiu and Chang Kuo-t'ao did not mention the First Hangchow Plenum in their accounts of the event Chang even went so far as to point out: “Ma-lin went back to Moscow two weeks before I came back from Shanghai.… He did not suggest to Ch'en Tu-hsiu to join the KMT before he left Shanghai.” At the same time, however, Chang mentions that he returned from Moscow in March 1922. This means that Chang was in Shanghai when the First Plenum took place. Sneevliet left Shanghai on 23 April 1923 and not in February-March as Chang points out. Moreover, Sneevliet's “Bericht des Genossen H. Maring für die Executive” is an official document and was written only three months after the event. Ch'en Tu-hsiu and Chang's versions were written respectively seven and 44 years later.
63. Sneevliet's appointment as correspondent for the Far East of the Communist International and International Press Correspondence, Moscow, 24 July 1922. Signed by Radek, Karl, Voor Vrijheid en Socialisme, p. 60. Kung-fei huo-kuo shih shih (Taipei, 1963), p. 13Google Scholar. Letter from I. Podolsky, Shanghai, Boone-road 12, Rosta News Agency to Mrs Sneevliet, Java. Dated Shanghai, , 19 08 1922Google Scholar. G/299, No. 2249. China Year Book, 1924, p. 858Google Scholar. North China Herald, 19 08 1922Google Scholar. Kuo-t'ao, Chang, “Wo ti hui-i,” Ming-poo yüeh-k'an, Vol. I, No. 8, p. 84Google Scholar. Sneevliet and Abraham Joffe left Moscow on or about 24 July 1922. On or about 4 August they arrived in Chita and five days later were in Harbin. They arrived in Peking on 12 August 1922. Joffe remained in Peking, while Sneevliet continued his travels to Shanghai. On the basis of this analysis I suggest that Chang Kuo-t'ao's assertion that the Second Hangchow Plenum took place on 8 August 1922 is wrong.
64. Tu-hsiu, Ch'en, Kao-ch'üan-tang t'ung-chih shu, p. 2Google Scholar. Kuo-t'ao, Chang, “Wo ti hui-i,” Ming-pao yüeh-k'an, Vol. I, No. 8, p. 84.Google Scholar
65. “Notes on a Conversation with H. Sneevliet,” The China Quarterly, No. 45. “Aantekeningen van Maring: Tsjen Toe Sioe, De oorzaken van de nederlaag van de Chineesche revolutie” (“Notes by Maring: Ch'en Tu-hsiu, the causes of the defeat of the Chinese revolution”) De Nieuwe Weg (The New Road) (Amsterdam, 1930)Google Scholar. This article contains a Dutch translation of Ch'en Tu-hsiu's “Kao ch'üan-tang t'ung-chih shu” together with a commentary by Sneevliet. Kuo-t'ao, Chang, “Wo ti hui-i” Ming-pao yüeh-k'an, Vol. I, No. 8, pp. 83–89. See above note 41.Google Scholar
66. Sneevliet, H., “Met en bij Soen Yat Sen …,” Klassenstrijd, 03 1926Google Scholar. “Notes on a conversation with H. Sneevliet,” The China Quarterly, No. 45. Sneevliet, H., “Persoonlijke indrukken van Soen Yat Sen,” De Arbeid, 28 03 1925, p. 2Google Scholar. Hua, Hu, Chung-kuo hsin min-chu-chu-i ko-ming shih (Canton, 1951), p. 62Google Scholar. Kuo-fu nien-p'u ch'u-kao, Vol. II (Taipei, 1958), pp. 557–558.Google Scholar
67. Sneevliet, H., “Met en bij Soen Yat Sen …,” Klassenstrijd, 03 1926.Google Scholar
68. Sneevliet, H., “De Chineesche Generaal en de Chineesche Revolutie: Tsjen Tsjoen Ming en Tsjang Kai Sjek,” Klassenstrijd, 1927, p. 143Google Scholar. “Notes on a conversation with H. Sneevliet,” The China Quarterly, No. 45.
69. Tsung-li ch'üan-shu (Complete Writings of President Sun), Vol. 10, Part II (Taipei, 1953), pp. 924–925Google Scholar. T'an-ho kung-ch'an-tang liang-ta yao-an (Two Important Cases of Impeachment of the Communist Party) (Nanking, 1927)Google Scholar. See Sun's marginal comments on p. 5 written in December 1923. Letter to Kai-shek, Chiang, 21 11 1922Google Scholar, in Yat-sen, Sun, Sun Chung-shan hsien-sheng shou-cha mo-chi (Original Copies of Sun Yat-sen's Handwritten Letters) (n.p., n.d.), p. 3.Google Scholar
70. Ke-ming wen-hsien, Vol. VIII, pp. 1039–1043Google Scholar. Many historians have credited Sun Yat-sen as being the initiator of what I have called “Sneevlietian strategy.” The source material which gave rise to this interpretation is Tu-hsiu, Ch'en's Kao ch'üan-tang t'ung-chih shu of 10 12 1929Google Scholar. According to Ch'en, Dalin, a delegate of the Communist Youth International, had proposed a two-party alliance to Sun Yat-sen some time in July 1922. Sun would certainly have refused such an alliance and would have told Dalin that he would only allow the CCP members to enter the KMT on condition that they were to submit to the KMT and recognize no party outside of it. It is not possible that such a meeting took place in July since at that time Sun Yat-sen was being held captive on a gunboat I have, moreover, found a most interesting account in Russian of Dalin's meetings with Sun Yat-sen. The writer is Sergei Dalin himself. Dalin reports that his first meeting with Sun took place on 29 April 1922, and that his last took place on 12 or 14 June 1922. While I shall not elaborate here on these most interesting talks, I should like to mention Sun's request for Soviet Russian aid in the establishment of a new railway network. Dalin, it should be added, points out that in his opinion the CCP's only chance for mass action would be within the KMT. He does not mention any proposal for a two-party alliance to Sun Yat-sen. To conclude, it may be observed that Sneevliet's first meeting with Sun Yat-sen, his talks with the Central Committee of the KMT in Shanghai and the First Hangchow Plenum had all taken place before Dalin arrived on the scene. Sergei Dalin came to China as a delegate of the Communist Youth International and together with Chang T'ai-lei and Ch'ü Ch'iu-pai he organized the First National Congress of the Socialist Youth Corps in May 1922. It is, then, for these reasons that I reject the generally accepted thesis of Sun Yat-sen being the instigator of what I have called “Sneevlietian strategy.” Sun Yat Sen, 1866–1966 (Sbornik statei, Moscow, 1966), pp. 255–285Google Scholar. Maring, M., “Bericht des Genossen H. Maring …,” p. 12Google Scholar. Dalin, S. A., “Velikii povorot, Sun Yat Sen v 1922 g,” in Sun Yat Sen 1866–1966. K stoletiu…, pp. 255–85Google Scholar. Dalin, Sergei, V riadakh kitaiskoi revoliutsii, (Moscow 1926)Google Scholar, Dalin, Sergei, “Sun Yat Sen, k godovshchine smerti,” Izvestiia, 1926, No. 59Google Scholar. Maring, M., “Bericht des Genossen H. Maring …,” p. 12.Google Scholar
71. “Notes on a Conversation with H. Sneevliet …,” The China Quarterly, No. 45.
72. Ibid.Sneevliet, H., “Eulogy: Adolf Abrahamowitsj Joffe,” De Arbeid (Labour) (Amsterdam), 26 11 1927, p. 1.Google Scholar
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75. Sn(eevliet), H., “Het netelige vraagstuk van den Chineeschen Oosterspoor-weg” (“The Thorny Problem of the Chinese Eastern Railway”), De Baanbreker (The Pioneer) (Amsterdam) No. 13, 20 07 1929, p. 1Google Scholar. Sneevliet, H., “Het Chineesch-Russisch Conflict over den Oost-Chineeschen spoorweg,” De Nieuwe Weg, 1929, p. 234Google Scholar. Voor Vrijheid en Socialisme …, p. 61Google Scholar. Although no minutes of his talks with the Soviet leadership are available, it is known that Sneevliet had discussions with Trotsky, Stalin, Bukharin and others on the question of the Chinese Eastern Railway. It had been in consultation with Joffe that Sneevliet had decided to discuss this question in Moscow. It is said that Sneevliet disagreed with Stalin about the ownership of the railway. Sneevliet felt that it should be handed over to the Chinese, while Stalin insisted that Soviet Russia should keep her interests in it.
76. Sneevliet's appointment as third member of the Far Eastern Bureau of the Comintern in Vladivostok. This document was written in German and signed by W. Kolarov for the secretariat of the ECCI, No. 282, Moscow, 12 January 1923. The text of this document is an extract of the protocol of the session of the ECCI presidium on 10 January 1923. Sneevliet as well as Voitinsky were asked to take part in the next conference of the CCP. A translation of this document can be found in: Bing, Dov, “Revolution in China: Sneevlietian strategy,” p. 212Google Scholar. See also Voor Vrijheid en Socialisme…, p. 60.Google Scholar
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79. lao-jen, Ch'i-wu, “Hui-i Li Ta-chao t'ung-chih,” (“Recollections of Comrade Li Ta-chao”) Chung-kuo kung-jen (Chinese Worker) (Peking), 12 05 1957, pp. 22–23Google Scholar. Pao Hui-sheng identifies the Comintern delegate as Borodin. He must have meant Ma-lin, for Borodin came to China in September 1923. Sn(eevliet), H., “Een Chineesch Voorbeeld” (“A Chinese Example”) (7 02 1923)Google Scholar, De Arbeid, 7 02 1925.Google Scholar
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81. Maring, G., “Revolidtsionnoe dvizhenie v iuzhom Kitae,” Kommunisticheskii Internatsional, No. 22 (1922), pp. 5803–5816Google Scholar. “The situation in China and Japan,” International Press Correspondence, 28 08 1922, p. 542Google Scholar. Maring, G., Bericht des Genossen H. Maring…, pp. 10–12.Google Scholar
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83. Kuo-t'ao, Chang, “Wo ti hui-i,” Ming-pao yüeh-k'an, Vol. I, No. 9, p. 90Google Scholar. In Moscow Chang reported to Safarov, Voitinsky and Losovsky. Voitinsky was a member of the Comintern Irkutsk Bureau which had continued to support the Far Eastern Republic's preference for General Wu P'ei-fu.
84. Kuo-t'ao, Chang, “Wo ti hui-i” Ming-poo yüeh-k'an, Vol. I, No. 9, p. 90Google Scholar. “Notes on a Conversation with H. Sneevliet,” The China Quarterly, No. 45. Sneevliet mentions that after the February Seventh incident orders were issued in Peking for the arrest of Maring and Ch'en Tu-hsiu.
85. Mif, Pavel, Chung-kuo kung-ch'an-tang ying-yung fen-tou ti shih-wu nien (15 Years of the Heroic Struggle of the CCP) (Moscow, 1936), p. 25Google Scholar. See his remarks on The Third Congress. Kuo-t'ao, Chang, “Wo ti hui-i,” Ming-pao yüeh-k'an, Vol. I, No. 9, p. 90.Google Scholar
86. Kara-Murza, T. and Mif, P., Strategiia i taktika…, pp. 114–116Google Scholar. Kuo-t'ao, Chang, “Wo ti hui-i,” Ming-pao yüeh-k'an, Vol. I, No. 9, p. 92.Google Scholar
87. Kara-Murza, T. and Mif, P., Strategiia i taktika…, pp. 114–116Google Scholar. Schaap, Dick, “Henk Sneevliet, een leven voor de rode revolutie” (“Henk Sneevliet, a Life for the Red Revolution”), Het Vrije Volk, 18 04 1970Google Scholar. Although Sneevliet had discussed some aspects of the peasant problem in his first report of July 1922, the Comintern directive of January 1923, which was based on this report, made no mention of the subject. It would appear that the “February Seventh” incident was, in fact, responsible for the increasing importance he ascribed to the Chinese peasant. On the other hand Sneevliet visited and corresponded with Mao Tse-tung in 1923 and therefore the young Mao quite possibly bears part of the responsibility.
88. Kuomintang, (ed.), Kuo-fu ch'üan-chi (Complete Writings of Sun Yat-sen) (Taipei, 1957), Vol. II, pp. 235–238.Google Scholar
89. “Notes on a Conversation with H. Sneevliet,” The China Quarterly, No. 45. Sneevliet, H., “Met en bij Soen Yat Sen …,” Klassenstrijd, 03 1926Google Scholar. Sneevliet, H., “Persoonlijke indrukken van Soen Yat Sen,” De Arbeid, 28 03 1925, p. 2Google Scholar. Writing in 1926, Sneevliet observed that the First National Congress of the KMT had been planned long before it took place in January 1924.
90. Ssu-ch'eng, Mao (ed.), Min-kuo shih-wu nien i-ch'ien chih Chiang Chieh-shih hsien-sheng (Mr Chiang Kai-shek before 1926), Vol. VIb (Shanghai, 1936), p. 201Google Scholar a. Kai-shek, Chiang, Soviet Russia in China (London, 1957), pp. 18–19.Google Scholar
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92. Tu-hsiu, Ch'en, Kao ch'üan t'ung t'ung-chih shu, p. 4.Google Scholar
93. Sneevliet, H., “Met en bij Soen Yat Sen …,” Klasenstrijd, 03 1926Google Scholar. Sneevliet, H., “Persoonlijke indrukken van Soen Yat Sen,” De Arbeid, 28 03 1925, p. 2.Google Scholar
94. Kuo-t'ao, Chang, “Wo ti hui-i,” Ming-pao yüeh-k'an, Vol. I, No. 9, p. 92Google Scholar. Chang confirms that the Third National Congress was convened at the initiative of Sneevliet.
95. “Chung-kuo kung-ch'an-tang ti-san-tz'u ch'üan-kuo tai-piao ta-hui hsüan-yen” (“Manifesto of the Third National Congress of the CCP”) Hsiang-tao chou-pao, No. 30, 20 06 1923, p. 228Google Scholar. Kuo-t'ao, Chang, “Wo ti hui-i,” Ming-pao yüeh-k'an, Vol. I, No. 10, pp. 78–79Google Scholar. I have strong reservations about Chang's assertion that in Ma-lin's opinion the peasantry was not important. Chang made the observation that Ma-lin did not mention them at all at the Third Congress. I have good reason to believe that Chang was mistaken, for such an assertion would be completely contradictory to the 13-point directive of May 1923, which was based on Sneevliet's recommendations. If it is true that Sneevliet did not speak out on the peasant problem, this in itself does not necessarily mean that he did not attach any importance to the subject. The truth may lie between these seemingly contradictory observations. Sneevliet possibly did not discuss the peasantry himself, but may have delegated this subject to a comrade. According to Chang the delegate who discussed the peasantry at the Congress was Mao Tse-tung. In essence Chang's observations on Mao's handling of the peasant problem closely resemble the main points raised on this issue in the 13-point directive of May 1923. This lends extra credibility to the previous observation that Mao had been partly responsible for the formulation of the agrarian programme in Sneevliet's report to the ECCI of May 1923. See also above, note 87.
96. “Aantekeningen van Maring: Tsjen Toe Sioe, De oorzaken van de nederlaag der Chineesche Revolutie,” De Nieuwe Weg, p. 82Google Scholar. Sneevliet, H., “De Chineesche Generaal en de Chineesche Revolutie: Tsjen Tsjoen Ming en Tsjang Kai Sjek,” Klassenstrijd, 1927, p. 143.Google Scholar
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98. Chang Kuo-t'ao in an interview with Professor C. Martin Wilbur, Hong Kong, 1954. In Documents on Communism, Nationalism and Soviet Advisers in China, 1918–1927, edited, with introductory essays by Wilbur, C. Martin and How, Julie Lien-ying (New York, 1956), p. 87.Google Scholar
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