1. Pye, Lucian, “Communication and political culture in China,” Asian Survey, Vol. 18, No. 3(1978), pp. 221–46.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

2. Chan, Joseph M. and Lee, Lee Chin–Chuan, “Journalistic paradigms on civil protests: a case study in Hong Kong,” in Arno, Andrew and Dissanayake, Wimal (eds.), The News Media in National and International Conflict (Boulder, Colorado: Westview, 1984).Google Scholar The concept of “paradigm,” in a metaphysical sense, is borrowed from Kuhn, Thomas, The Structure of Scientific Revolutions (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1970), 2nd edit.Google Scholar

3. The concept of “journalistic paradigms” is akin to that of “news frames” (Gitlin, Tuchman),”news perspectives” (Gans), and “media logics” (Altheide and Snow); see Gans, Herbert, Deciding What is News (New York: Pantheon, 1979);Google ScholarGitlin, Todd, The Whole World is Watching (Berkeley: University of California Press. 1980);Google ScholarAltheide, David and Snow, Robert, Media Logic (Beverly Hills; Sage, 1979);Google ScholarTuchman, Gaye, Making News (New York: Free Press, 1978).Google Scholar Journalistic paradigms, constituted in and by specific socio–cultural contexts, are by no means universal. While in western democracies the primary paradigm is media professionalism and objectivity, political ideology and partnership figure more importantly in determining journalistic paradigms of the Third World press. Media professionalism is not ideologically free; critics argue that western liberal media typify the power centre as being neutral, objective and detached; the practical problem of “objectivity” is solved by establishing an official point of reference for news. They claim that liberal media thus objectify the status quo and construct legitimacy. See Gans, Deciding What is News; Tuchman. Making News; Schudson, Michael, Discovering the News (New York: Basic, 1978);Google ScholarSchlesinger, Philip, Putting ‘Reality’ Together (London: Constable, 1978);Google ScholarSaid, Edward, Covering Islam (New York: Patheon, 1980);Google ScholarMonoff, Robert K. and Schudson, Michael (eds), Reading the News (New York: Pantheon, 1986).Google Scholar

4. Chan and Lee, “Journalistic paradigms on civil protests.” Related research includes Lee, Chin–Chuan, “Partisan press coverage of government news in Hong Kong,” Journalism Quarterly, Vol. 62 (1985), pp. 770–76.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

5. Bennett, Lance, Gressett, Lynn and Haltom, William, “Repairing the news: a case study of the news paradigm,” Journal of Communication, Vol. 35, No. 2 (1985), pp. 50–68; cf. Kuhn, The Structure of Scientific Revolutions.Google Scholar

6. Kuhn, The Structure of Scientific Revolutions; Bennett et al., “Repairing the news.”

7. Clarice Olien, Philip Tichenor and George Donohue, “Structure, communication and social power evolution of the knowledge gap hypothesis,” Netherlands Journal of Communication (1982).

8. Tehranian, Majid, “Iran: communication, alienation and revolution,” Intermedia, Vol. 7, No. 2 (1979), pp. 6–12;Google Scholar Pye, “Communication and political culture”; Lee, Chin–Chuan, Media Imperialism Reconsidered (Beverly Hills: Sage, 1980), pp. 203–237.Google Scholar

9. Siu–kai, Lau, Society and Politics in Hong Kong (Hong Kong: The Chinese University of Hong Kong Press, 1982);Google ScholarHarris, Peter, Hong Kong: A Study in Bureaucratic Politics (Hong Kong: Heinemann Asia, 1978).Google Scholar

10. Loong, Sin, A Shadow Government of Hong Kong (Hong Kong: Hai–san, 1985).Google Scholar

11. Joseph Man Chan, “Shifting journalistic paradigms: mass media and political transition in Hong Kong,” unpublished doctoral dissertation, the University of Minnesota, 1986.

12. The Political Impact of Mass Media (London: Constable, 1974).Google Scholar

13. Chin–Chuan Lee, “Partisan press coverage.”

14. “Inaugural Proclamation,” Kung Sheung, 8 July 1925.

15. Chin–Chuan Lee and Joseph Man Chan, “Journalistic paradigms in flux: mass media and political transition in Hong Kong,” paper presented at the 36th annual convention of the International Communication Association, Chicago. 22–26 May 1986; see also Chan, “Shifting journalistic paradigms: mass media.”

16. See Gitlin, The Whole World is Watching, pp. 303–305.

17. “Continual absence of assuring news for the Hong Kong people,” editorial, Sing Tao, 4 December 1982.

18. “The female prime minister committed to moral responsibility with iron shoulders,” editorial, Sing Tao, 29 September 1982.

19. For example: “Have confidence in London's promises,” editorial, Sing Tao, 6 July 1983; “The Hong Kong Government has successfully diverted a disaster,” editorial, Sing Tao, 28 September 1983.

20. “Hong Kong has a very bright future,” editorial, Sing Tao, 30 September 1982.

21. “In the aftermath of initialing the agreement on Hong Kong's future,” editorial, Sing Tao, 27 September 1984. Sing Tao showed its acquiescence to the political development immediately after Foreign Minister Howe announced in April 1984 Britain's decision to return Hong Kong to the People's Republic of China (“The three main points in Foreign Minister Howe's announcement,” editorial, Sing Tao, 8 December 1984).

22. “Revive the confidence to invest in Hong Kong,” editorial Sing Tao, 12 December 1984.

23. “The last day of a year again,” editorial, Sing Tao, 12 December 1984.

24. “To discuss seven issues with Ji Pengfei,” editorial, Sing Tao, 12 December 1985.

25. “Peng Zhen's talk and Hong Kong's future,” editorial, Wah Kiu, 21 July 1982; “The history and reality that deserve respect,” editorial, Wah Kiu, 4 August 1982; “Looking at the Beijing–London–Hong Kong relationship in a broad and long–term perspective,” editorial, Wah Kiu, 24 September 1982; “What Mrs Thatcher cannot disclose at will,” editorial, Wah Kiu, 29 September 1982.

26. “Welcoming the British Prime Minister Mrs Thatcher's visit to Hong Kong,” editorial, Wah Kiu, 27 September 1982; “What Mrs Thatcher cannot disclose at will,” editorial, Wah Kiu, 29 September 1982; “Negotiation on Hong Kong's future advances into the second stage,” editorial, Wah Kiu, 4 July 1983; “Governor Youde: the burden is heavy, the road is long,” editorial, Wah Kiu, 28 July 1983.

27. “The right directions for negotiations on Hong Kong's future,” editorial, Wah Kiu, 26 May 1983.

28. “Some principles for negotiation over Hong Kong's future,” editorial, Wah Kiu, 3 January 1984, “Dangerous arguments to be keenly watched,” editorial, 27 January 1984.

29. “The date on which Hong Kong's sovereignty will be retaken is decided,” editorial, Wah Kiu, 17 August 1983. An editorial that best illustrates Wah Kiu's tendency to speak indirectly for Beijing at this early stage is: “The concept and outline of the ‘Hong Kong Special Administrative Region.’ “ editorial, 17 October 1983.

30. “Dangerous arguments to be keenly watched,” editorial, Wah Kiu, 27 January 1984.

31. “Hong Kong people's wish,” editorial, Wah Kiu, 2 August 1984.

32. “The righteousness of nationalism,” Miu Yu Column, Oriental Daily News, 5 February 1983. The same idea was reiterated in two other Miu Yu columns: “The righteousness of nationalism,” 5 February 1983; “Imperialism,” 17 October 1983.

33. “Hong Kong law ruling Hong Kong,” Miu Yu Column, Oriental Dailv News, 24 June 1983.

34. “Negotiating the future,” Miu Yu Column, Oriental Daily News, 8 December 1983. Shortly after this, Miu Yu indicated that he had learned of the British decision to withdraw from Hong Kong (“See who changes first,” Oriental Daily News, 25 January 1984.)

35. “High evaluation of Hong Kong people,” Miu Yu Column, Oriental Daily News, 1 January 1984.

36. After the CCP consolidated its power in early 1950s, it launched a series of programmes to nationalize the economy. In its transitional phase, the nationalist bourgeoisie were promised “co–ownership,” but this was finally swept away by CCP's speedy measures to root out the private sector.

37. “The new is different from the old,” Miu Yu Column, Oriental Dailv News, 6 April 1984.

38. “Twelve points of policy for Hong Kong,” 28 April 1984.

39. For example, 'sino–British Accord,” Miu Yu Column, Oriental Daily News, 2 August 1984; “Moral responsibility,” Miu Yu Column, Oriental Daily News, 13 September 1984.

40. See, e.g., “Those who believe will be saved,” Miu Yu Column, Oriental Daily News, 30 April 1984; “Don’t be afraid of interference,” Miu Yu Column, Oriental Daily News, 6 October 1984; “Rumours feed on rumours,” Miu Yu Column, Oriental Daily News, 7 October 1984.

41. “How to evaluate the Hong Kong question,” editorial, Sing Pao, 23 September 1983.

42. “Alleviate the ‘Jardine shock immediately,’ “ editorial, Sing Pao, 30 March 1984.

43. “Both the Agreement or the Joint Declaration have legal binding force,” editorial, Sing Pao, 18 September 1984; “The blueprint for a smooth transition,” editorial, Sing Pao, 2 August 1984.

44. “All the reactions to the Joint Declaration,” editorial, Sing Pao, 29 September 1984.

45. “Actively participate to practise civil rights,” editorial, Sing Pao, 28 September 1984.

46. “Competition for Lunar New Year stalls shows confidence,” editorial, Sing Pao, 7 January 1986.

47. “Three requirements for an arrangement on Hong Kong's status,” Ming Pao, editorial, 19 February 1981.

48. “A strange goose that lays golden eggs,” editorial, Ming Pao, 14 October 1982.

49. “Britain's moral responsibility towards Hong Kong,” editorial, Ming Pao, 20 October 1982.

50. “Three cards in the British hand,” editorial, Ming Pao, 4 July 1983.

51. “ 'same as before’; free entry and exit,” editorial, Ming Pao, 25 November 1982.

52. See below fn. 55; and “Horses must be fed to make them work,” editorial, Ming Pao, 7 July 1983.

53. “Ji Pengfei's concrete measures for “Hong Kong administered by Hong Kong people,” editorial, Ming Pao, 15 October 1983.

54. See, e.g., “From ‘79’ to ‘97,’ “ editorial, Ming Pao, 24 October 1983; “Making use of Hong Kong over a long time rather than imposing reforms,” editorial, Ming Pao, 25 October 1983; “Fundamental demands by China, Britain and Hong Kong,” editorial, Ming Pao, 15 December 1983.

55. “Pledge and guarantee of an international nature,” editorial, Ming Pao, 24 January 1984.

56. See “Deng Xiaoping talked about the confidence problem of the Hong Kong people,” editorial, Ming Pao, 27 June 1984; “How policies on Hong Kong are made,” editorial, Ming Pao, 11 August 1984.

57. Louis Cha, “An innovation applicable to the whole world,” People's Daily, 26 September 1984. Similar ideas were voiced earlier in a Ming Pao editorial entitled “A model applicable to the world,” published on 29 June 1984.

58. “Confidence is to be based on what kind of foundation?” editorial, Ming Pao, 2 July 1984.

59. “Welcoming the British prime minister's visit to Hong Kong,” editorial, Hong Kong Times, 26 September 1982. Similar comments are reiterated in Kung Sheung's editorial, “The British prime minister's stand on the Hong Kong question is firm,” 5 November 1983.

60. “Comments on the visit of the intellectuals’ tour in mainland China,” editorial, Kung Sheung,14 April 1983; “On the question of ‘Hong Kong's sovereignty,’“ editorial, Kung Sheung, 22 October 1982; “‘Nationalism’ dictates ‘autonomous independence,’ “ editorial, Kung Sheung, 4 April 1983.

61. “Stay calm amidst changes, unite and self–help,” editorial, Hong Kong Times, 27 September 1984; “The unglorious ‘initialization,’“ editorial, Hong Kong Times, 24 September 1984; “Hong Kong people do not recognize the ‘Joint Declaration,’“ editorial, Hong Kong Times, 4 September 1984.

62. For example: “Hong Kong people definitely do not believe the Communist Party's promises,” editorial, Hong Kong Times, 16 April 1984; “Communists’ words cannot be trusted,” editorial, Hong Kong Times, 3 August 1984; “The two cutting edges of local communists’ united front tactics,” editorial, Kung Sheung, 16 September 1984; “The so–called ‘Hong Kong model,’“ editorial, Hong Kong Times, 24 December 1984.

63. “Don’t eat 'sugar–coated poison,’ “ editorial, Hong Kong Times, 12 January 1984.

64. “ ‘Hong Kong administering Hong Kong’ is sugar–coated poison,” editorial, Kung Sheung, 9 December 1982.

65. See editorials on the Joint Declaration: e.g. “Analysing the ‘Joint Declaration Draft,’ “ Kung Sheung, 27 September 1984; “Stay calm amidst changes, unite and self–help,” Hong Kong Times, 27 September 1984. Editorials on the Basic Law: e.g. “Hong Kong People have the absolute right in making the ‘Basic Law,’“ Kung Sheung, 25 October 1984.

66. What began as a successional fight among the Times’ staff evolved into a political fight. On one side are the hard–liners who asserted that they should fight against communism simply “for the sake of anti–communism.” The opposing faction thought it was for “truth” that they fought communism. The major difference between these two approaches is that the first regards anti–communism as a permanent goal which is immutable, while the second asserts that anti–communism should be practised in a “rational” way and should give “due regard” to changes within China. The controversy ended in an organizational reshuffling in which six staunch anti–communist columnists were sacked and a page that was devoted to hardline anti–communism was dropped. See Min–kwun Leung, “Anti–communist outpost in chaos,” Nineties Monthly, January 1985.

67. “Who does Sir Youde represent?” editorial, Wen Wei Pao, 9 July 1983.

68. “Check the trend of price raises to ensure the public's livelihood,” editorial, Wen Wei, 16 September 1983. Other exemplary editorials that raised serious doubts about the government's respect for public opinion include: (1) “Has public opinion ever been respected?”‘ editorial, Wen Wei Pao, 5 September 1983; (2) “The loud calls for preserving the public's livelihood,” editorial, Wen Wei Pao, 19 September 1983; and (3) “How constructive can the “Lubo Motion” be?”, editorial, Ta Kung Pao, 15 March 1984.

69. “An aggressive and solid annual report,” editorial, Wen Wei Pao, 7 October 1984.

70. “Reviewing Hong Kong in its first year of transition,” editorial, Wen Wei Pao, 31 December 1986. This generally favourable review can also be contrasted with TaKung Pao's generally critical review two years earlier; “Reading Youde's administrative report,” editorial, Ta Kung Pao, 16 October 1983.

71. Ta Kung Pao, “The Editor's Note,” 27 February 1986.

72. Such characterizations of Hong Kong's prosperity were common in past ultra–leftist newspapers’ editorials. A more recent illustration can be found in Ta KungPao's short editorial. “The high land price policy is devastating,” 4 December 1982.

73. “On the District Council election,” editorial, Wen Wei Pao, 22 January 1985.