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Rural to Urban Migration in the People's Republic of China*
Published online by Cambridge University Press: 12 February 2009
Extract
The history of modern economic development suggests that urbanization through migration is a result of industrialization. Despite different political, economic and technological conditions in today's developing countries, many studies have found that the patterns of urbanization in these countries are similar to those seen in today's industrialized countries at earlier stages of their development. China, as suggested by its rapid, post-reform urbanization through migration, is not an exception. Nevertheless, China's post-reform experience contrasted sharply with its slow and even stagnated urban population growth in the 1960s and 1970s, when it sought its industrialization goal under a central planning system. Perhaps because of its uniqueness of size and development experience, China's urbanization and rural to urban migration have remained a topic of great interest.
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- Focus on Rural to Urban Migration
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- Copyright © The China Quarterly 1994
References
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2. For example, official data indicate that China's urban population increased by about 370 million during the period 1983–89, which made the urban share in China's total population increase from about 20 to 50 per cent within only seven years (see Table 1).
3. See the section on “Estimation of China's rural-to-urban migration” for the “residual method.”
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5. Table 1 shows that UNAP share in UP for cities was about 90% in 1949–53, indicating that those engaged in fanning accounted for about 10% of UP. This is a fairly reasonable share since, by the end of this period, the Soviet-style central planning had not been established and pre-1949 urban boundaries had not been touched.
6. In fact, no matter if an urban area (bounded by B) contains an officially defined “urban proper” (the area bounded by A), or if the official “urban proper” is the same as the “real” one, a “real” urban area always exists (theoretically within A*), and administratively changing urban boundary will only affect the area A*B.
7. The series reported in this table are reconstructed. The available UP series is from 1953 to 1990 and UNAP series is from 1961 to 1990. To cover the entire post–1949 history, the 1949–60 UNAP and 1949–52 UP for both cities and towns have been extrapolated by running regression using other relevant official series as arguments. The regression model and results are available on request.
8. See Tiejun Cheng and Mark Selden, “The origins and social consequences of China's hukou system,” in this issue of The China Quarterly.
9. In fact, until 1955, no urban criteria were officially given. Since the urban criteria issued jan in 1955 were drafted in 1953 based on Soviet models ( Kojima, , Urbanisation and Urban Problems in China (Tokyo: Institute of Development Economics, 1987), p. 4)Google Scholar, and were similar to those used by the 1953 census, this article treats the 1955 criteria as 1953 census criteria.
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34. The new criteria were designed by the Civil Ministry and approved by the State Council in April 1986. See Tiezhen, Zhu and Zailun, Zhang (eds.), Zhongguo chengshi shouce (Handbook of Chinese Cities) (Beijing: Jingji kexue chubanshe, 1987), p. 46.Google Scholar
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45. The recently available data from the 1990 census suggest a 5.1% under-reporting rate (CSSB, Chinese Statistical Yearbook, 1992, pp. 80 and 88), which is very close to our assumption of 5% for 1984–90.
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48. Chan Kam Wing, “Rural-urban migration in China,” pp. 57–59.
49. Yet it cannot be ignored that, in the Chinese case, it is more likely that rural people moved to smaller urban areas because of more restrictions on migration to larger urban areas. Since migration is age-selective, this will affect the vital rates in smaller urban areas. Surely, compared with the vital rates of cities, towns are more likely to be affected by young migrants from villages. However, compared with the vital rates of larger cities, smaller cities are also more affected by rural young migrants. Therefore, a division between “town” and “city” in vital rates, as Chan did, still cannot solve the problem. It is also unreliable to estimate town vital rates based on limited data.
50. See United Nations, Methods of Measuring Internal Migration (New York: United Nations, 1970).Google Scholar However, the “migration” here includes not only people who have actually moved from rural to urban areas, but people who have been encompassed by enlarged urban boundaries.
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59. See for example, Anderson, Kym, “Urban household subsidies and rural outmigration: the case of China,” Chinese Economy Research Unit Working Paper, The University of Adelaide, No. 90/3(1990).Google Scholar
60. The “big-collective” enterprises are owned by collective in name only. In China, they are also called “quasi-state” -owned enterprises since, in many aspects, they are similar to I state-owned ones.
61. In 1978, 27% of urban new workers were from rural areas. In 1985–91, this stayed at a level of about 20% per annum. Assuming conservatively that half of urban “collective-owned” enterprises were “big-collectives,” the new workers hired by state-owned and “big-collective” enterprises accounted for about 86% in 1978 and 73% in 1991 of total urban recruitment (CSSB, Chinese Statistical Yearbook, 1992, p. 118).
62. Zhang Jianhong and Wu Yelun, “The ‘inbreeding’ problem in labour employment must be solved.”
63. It should be noted that after this article was completed, the results from China's 1990 census became available. Since the urban criteria used in this census were changed again, CSSB had to readjust its previously published data to avoid an enormous break in the continuity of its urban series. This has to a large extent corrected the exaggeration of urban population data during 1984–89 in particular (e.g., the urbanization level at the end of 1990 was 26.4% rather than 54% based on the previous criterion). Nevertheless, this only affirms the doubt about the quality of previously published urban population data. The CSSB's new urban series does not build on a reasonable and consistent basis, and further confuses researchers.
64. See, for example, Goldstein, “Urbanisation in China,” pp. 12–13.
65. See Reeitsu, Kojima, Urbanisation and Urban Problems in China (Tokyo: Institute of Development Economics, 1987), pp. 4–5.Google Scholar
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