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7. The Committee consisted of a team of 10 eminent scholars and artists, the most notable being the historian and educator, Luo Jialun; Zhang Qiyun from the Academia Sinica, and the Shakespearean scholar, Liang Shiqiu.

8. See Lancashire, E. M., Concord and Discord in the World of Literature in Taiwan.Google Scholar A Selective Study of Writers' Associations, Literary Movements, and Controversial Writers. Ph.D. dissertation, University of London, 1981, pp. 74–80, 81–85, 96–99.

9. Minsheng zhuyi yu le liangpian bushu. An English translation by Durham, S. F., Chen has been appended to Sun Yat-sen, The Three Principles of the People. San Min Chu I (Taibei: China Publishing Co., undated).

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13. In May 1955, a third writers' association was formed, The Taiwan Women Writers' Association. See Lancashire, , Concord and Discord, pp. 121–28.Google Scholar

14. Ibid. pp. 387–91, and for a full translation of GMD policy statement, pp. 454–61.

15. See Jie, Zhang, “Wenyi wei shenme hui jinru dichao” (Why Has Literature Reached Such a Low Ebb?), in You shi wenyi (Young Lions' Literature), Vol. 15, No. 6 (01 1957), p. 3Google Scholar; and Fujian, Huang, “Wen tan de chu jiu bu xin”Google Scholar (On Replacement of the Old with the New in the Literary Forum), Ibid. Vol. 8, No. 1 (January 1958), p. 3.

16. See Chou, Shi, “Shi nian lai ziyou Zhongguo wenyi zuopin de jiantao” (An Analysis of the Literature of the Last Ten Years in Free China), in Wen tan, No. 6 (05 1960), p. 7.Google Scholar

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23. Lei Zhen, the editor of Ziyou Zhongguo (Free China Fortnightly), dared in August 1957, to suggest in his editorial that the government should accept the fact that there was little likelihood of a return to the Chinese mainland and that consequently it should come to terms with being in Taiwan and improve conditions there. He persisted in expressing these views and associated with Taiwanese leaders advocating self-government on Taiwan. This led to Lei Zhen being arrested in September 1960, tried by court martial for sedition and sentenced to 10 years' imprisonment.

24. See Guanhan, Sun, ed., Bo Yang he ta de yuanyu (Bo Yang and His Wrongful Imprisonment) (Hong Kong: Wenyi shuwu, 1974), pp. 14–26, 40–41.Google Scholar Hereafter cited as BYYY.

25. See Song, Han, “You yige zhengzhifan – Bo Yang shijian”Google Scholar (Yet Another Political Crime – The Bo Yang Affair), originally published in Diaoyu tai (Fisherman's Wharf), No. 63 (Chicago, 25 08 1972).Google Scholar Reprinted in BYYY, p. 237.Google Scholar

26. The San min zhuyi Youth Corps was established in 1938 by the Guomindang as an apparatus for recruiting and training Party workers.

27. See Yang, Bo, “Bo Yang de dabianshu. Bo Yang gei Taiwan sheng jingbei silingbu junshi fating de dapianshu (zhi yi)”Google Scholar (Bo Yang's Refutations. Refutation (No. 1) Sent by Bo Yang to the Military Court of the Taiwan Provincial Garrison Command), BYYY, p. 78.Google Scholar These Refutations will hereafter be cited as DBS, Nos. 1, 2, 3, etc. respectively. Sun Guanhan, the atomic scientist resident in the United States, managed to obtain 10 in all, but says the collection is not complete.

28. See “Taiwan de qisushu” (Taiwan versus Bo Yang), BYYY, p. 68.Google Scholar

29. See DBS, No. 5; BYYY, p. 135.Google Scholar

30. DBS, NO. 2; Byyy, p. 92.Google Scholar

31. See Guanhan, Sun, “Duancu he kunan de rensheng” (A short and hard life), originally written 8 08 1973Google Scholar; BYYY, pp. 332, 334.Google Scholar

32. DBS, No. 2; BYYY, p. 96.Google Scholar

33. Ibid.

34. Ibid.

35. Ibid. and Yang, Bo, “Bukeluan peng” (Don't strike out indiscriminately), in Guai ma ji (Monster Horse) (Hong Kong: Wenyi shuwu, 2nd ed., 1975), p. 181.Google Scholar In this essay, written 20 September 1962, Bo Yang again refers to this incident and expresses his disgust at the obsequiousness of certain Chinese towards foreigners.

36. DBS, No. 2; BYYY, pp. 96–97.Google Scholar

37. The Chinese Youth Anti-Communist National Salvation Corps, more popularly known as the China Youth Corps, was established by Jiang Jingguo in October 1952, in order “to mobilize and train young people for the move back to the mainland” (Area Handbook for the Republic of China (Washington: 1969), p. 119).Google Scholar

38. Sun Guanhan makes the observation that the very society which frowned upon Guo Yidong's divorce and remarriage seemed conveniently to have forgotten that Sun Yat-sen, Mao Zedong and Chiang Kai-shek had had two wives. See BYYY, p. 335.Google Scholar

39. See Wenyi nianjian, pp. 425, 474.Google Scholar

40. DBS, No. 5; BYYY, pp. 135–36.Google Scholar

41. Yanmiao, Yu, “Zhandou wenyi jianbing – zawen” (The satirical essay – the lance of fighting literature), in You shi wenyi, Vol. 14, No. 4 (04 1962), p. 7.Google Scholar

42. See Song, Han, “You yige zhengzhifan,” p. 236.Google Scholar

43. See Guanhan, Sun, “Duancu he kunan de rensheng,” p. 330.Google Scholar

44. See Limin, Yao, “Jianjie Bo Yang de shengping he zhuzuo”Google Scholar (A brief introduction to the life and works of Bo Yang). The original was written in New York on 23 July 1973, and published in the September and October issues of Qishi niandai (The Seventies); BYYY, p. 287.Google Scholar

45. Yang, Bo, “Jia ‘gai’ laoyin” (Branded “Cover-up”), in Guai ma ji, p. 32.Google Scholar The original article was written 28 December 1960.

46. Ibid.

47. According to Bo Yang, the police saw themselves as “being sovereign, parent and teacher” (zuo zhi jun, zuo zhi chin, zuo zhi shi) to the people. If Confucius were to apply for recruitment into the Taiwan police force, Bo Yang said, he would probably be turned down since he had only merited one title: Teacher. See Limin, Yao, “Jianjie Bo Yang,” pp. 289–90.Google Scholar

48. Ibid. p. 264.

49. See Yang, Bo, “Chu guo renshengguan”Google Scholar (The philosophy of emigration), in Guai ma ji, p. 172.Google Scholar The original article was written 15 September 1962.

50. See Yang, Bo, “Gou Pang xiansheng” (Mr Gou Pang), in Si bu ren cuo (Stubborn to the End) (Hong Kong: Wenyi shuwu, 2nd ed., 1974), pp. 109–110Google Scholar; and Yang, Bo, “Yisheng chufang” (When doctors prescribe medicines), in Guai ma ji, pp. 167–69.Google Scholar

51. See Yang, Bo, “Xiandaihua wenti” (A question of modernization), in Xin xue lai chao ji (Brainstorm) (Hong Kong: Wenyi shuwu, 2nd ed., 1975), pp. 85–87.Google Scholar

52. Song, Han, “You yige zhengzhifan,” p. 236.Google Scholar

53. Ibid.

54. Shoichi, Saeki, “The Role of Western Literature in the Modernization of Japan,” in Thirty Years of Turmoil in Asian LiteratureGoogle Scholar, Lectures delivered at the Fourth Asian Writers' Conference, 25 April–2 May 1976, in Taibei and published by The Taibei Chinese Center, International P.E.N. (undated), p. 188.

55. See, for example, De Bary, W. T. et al. , Sources of Chinese Tradition (New York: Columbia University Press, 1960), pp. 663 et seq.Google Scholar

56. Ibid. pp. 814 et seq.

57. For a brief summary of the modernization or westernization of literature in Taiwan see Introduction to Vols. 1 and 2 of An Anthology of Contemporary Chinese Literature (Taiwan: 1949–1974. National Institute for Compilation and Translation, 1975).Google Scholar

58. See Shi, Hu, Ji, Li, Zushui, Mao, Hu Shi yu Zhong Xi wenhua, (Dr Hu Shi and the Chinese and Western Cultures), Xiandai qingnian congshu, No. 6 (Taibei: Shuiniu chubanshe, 1967), pp. 261–66.Google Scholar

59. See, for example, “Women duiyu xiyang jindai wenming de taidu” (Our attitude toward modern western civilization), in Hu Shi wencun (Collected Essays of Hu Shi), 4 vols. (Hong Kong: Yuandong tushu gongsi, 1962), Vol. 3, pp. 1–15.Google Scholar

60. Li Ao was born in Harbin in 1935, but received his primary education in Peking and part of his secondary schooling in Shanghai. After his arrival in Taiwan he continued his secondary education in Taizhong before entering National Taiwan University in Taibei where he studied law, history and literature. His work Wei Zhongguo sixiang quxiang qiu daan (In Search of an Answer to the Question as to Where Chinese Thought is Heading) had a great influence on young intellectuals who treated it as their Bible.

61. See Ao, Li, Wenhua lunzhan danhuo lu (A Record of the Ordeal of the Controversy on Culture), Wen xing congkan, 69, 2nd ed. (Hong Kong: 1972), p. 3.Google Scholar

62. See Wen-li, Mei, “The Intellectuals in Formosa,” p. 72.Google Scholar

63. Ao, Li, Wen hua lunzhan, p. 7.Google Scholar

64. Ibid. p. 39.

65. See Tozer, , “Taiwan's ‘Cultural Renaissance,’” p. 90.Google Scholar

66. See “Li Ao bei bu neimu” (The Inside Story of Li Ao's Arrest), in Nan bei ji, No. 12 (Hong Kong, 05 1971), pp. 45–47.Google Scholar

67. See Limin, Yao, “Jianjie Bo Yang,” pp. 293–94.Google Scholar

68. Yang, Bo, “Zhuyao chengfen” (An important ingredient), in Si bu rencuo ji, pp. 25–26.Google Scholar The original article was written 31 May 1967.

69. Ibid. p. 25.

70. See Yang, Bo, “Qingke zhi xia. Sheng si yizhi”Google Scholar (Life or death at the mercy of a cough), Ibid. pp. 35–37. The original article was written 6 June 1967.

71. See Yang, Bo, “Bi biaosao de zui”Google Scholar (My cousin's mouth) Ibid. p. 118. The original article was written 19 July 1967.

72. See Limin, Yao “Jianjie Bo Yang,” p. 314.Google Scholar

73. Ibid. p. 306.

74. DBS, No. 2; BYYY, p. 94.Google Scholar

75. Limin, Yao, “Jianjie Bo Yang,” p. 306.Google Scholar

76. Clear and Bright or Tomb-sweeping Day falls on 5 or 6 April. It is a festival during which people visit their ancestral tombs.

77. Yang, Bo, “Wanzheng de rensheng” (The perfect life), in Si bu rencuo ji, p. 96.Google Scholar

78. See Limin, Yao, “Jianjie Bo Yang,” p. 285.Google Scholar

79. DBS, No. 1; BYYY, p. 72.Google Scholar

80. The seven cartoon strips have been reprinted with some of Bo Yang's letters to Sun Guanhan, BYYY, pp. 5–26.Google Scholar

81. Ibid. pp. 23–26, and Limin, Yao, “Jianjie Bo Yang,” pp. 318–19.Google Scholar

82. Guanhan, Sun, “Ru yu shi de dagai” (An outline of events at the time of imprisonment), originally published in Renmt yu sixiang (Man and Ideas), Nos. 56, 57, 10, 11 1971Google Scholar; BYYY, p. 35.Google Scholar

83. Ibid.

84. Ai Mei wrote four letters in rapid succession, 6, 9, 14, 16 March to Sun Guanhan informing him of the disaster that had befallen the family. Ibid. pp. 28–33.

85. Sun Guanhan, born in Shaoxing, Zhejiang, gained his Ph.D. in Pittsburgh, after which he took up permanent residence in the United States. Sun was one of the first physicists to measure the neutron and to determine the light emitted by the moon. He helped to establish the atomic research station in Qinghua University in Taiwan and was its head for one year. Sun had never met Bo Yang, but had read his works and had entered into correspondence with him around October 1965.

86. Sun made it his business to keep abreast of developments and subsequently to try to arrive at the truth after sifting through much conflicting material. How this material came into his possession, Sun does not venture to say. See Sun, “Duancu he kunan de rensheng,” pp. 331–32.

87. See Sun, , “Ru yu shi,” pp. 34–39.Google Scholar

88. See Guanhan, Sun, “Yingjiu de wuxiao. Jiang Jingguo xiansheng, qiu qiu ni, shifang Bo Yang xiansheng” (Rescue attempts are useless. I implore you, Mr Jiang Jingguo, to set Mr Bo Yang free), originally written 20 01 1969Google Scholar; BYYY, pp. 183–91.Google Scholar

89. Sun wrote to Jiang Jingguo on 17 June 1968, 20 January 1969 and 10 September 1971. Ibid. pp. 183–96.

90. See DBS, No. 1; BYYY, p. 75.Google Scholar

91. Ibid. pp. 73–74.

92. Ibid. p. 91.

93. DBS, No. 4; BYYY, p. 118.Google Scholar

94. Ibid.

95. Peng Mingmin, born in Taiwan in 1923, is a graduate of National Taiwan University and McGill University, Canada. He received his doctorate at the University of Paris. Peng specialized in space law and was at one time legal adviser to the Chinese Nationalist delegation at the United Nations. He was also Professor of Political Science, National Taiwan University. As one of the leaders of the Formosan Independence Movement, he was arrested in 1964 and charged with sedition. After imprisonment he was released on house-arrest, but managed to escape in 1970. He is now in the United States. See Ming-min, Peng, A Taste of Freedom (New York: Rinehart and Winston, 1972).Google Scholar

96. Ibid. p. 173.

97. See “Taiwan de qisushu”; BYYY, pp. 65–71.Google Scholar

98. See DBS, No. 1; BYYY, p. 77.Google Scholar

99. Ibid.

100. Ibid. p. 87.

101. The Principles of the People's Livelihood is the third part of Sun Yat-sen's political and social philosophy, The Three Principles of the People. It is concerned with the livelihood of the people; the existence of society; the welfare of the nation, and the life of the masses. It implies equalization of landownership and the regulation of capital.

102. See DBS, No. 5; BYYY, pp 142–43.Google Scholar

103. Ibid. p. 143.

104. DBS, No. 2; BYYY, p. 97.Google Scholar

105. Ibid.

106. DBS, No. 5; BYYY, p. 140.Google Scholar

107. Ibid.

108. DBS, No. 1; BYYY, p. 72.Google Scholar

109. Ibid. p. 88, and DBS, No. 10; BYYY, p. 173.Google Scholar

110. See Guanhan, Sun, “Ru yu shi,” p. 45Google Scholar; and, “Ruhe jiu Bo Yang” (How to save Bo Yang), originally published in C.U.C. Monthly, No. 7 (Pittsburgh, 9 August 1972), a news sheet brought out by Carnegie-Mellon University, Pittsburgh; BYYY, p. 250.Google Scholar

111. Guanhan, Sun, “Duancu he kunan de rensheng,” p. 335.Google Scholar

112. Guanhan, Sun, “Sun Guanhan fu Huang Sipin” (Sun Guanhan replies to Huang Sipin), published in Renwu yu sixiang, No. 57 (12 1971)Google Scholar; BYYY, p. 277.Google Scholar

113. Nan bei ji, No. 32 (01 1972)Google Scholar; BYYY, p. 232.Google Scholar

114. This is possibly a misprint and should read Zhang Changzong, one of the notorious brothers who rose to high rank under Empress Wu of the Tang dynasty (684–705).

115. Guanhan, Sun, “Ruhe jiu Bo Yang,” p. 248.Google Scholar

116. Han, Han, “Wo jiandao le Bo Yang (I have seen Bo Yang), in Nan bei ji, No. 49 (03 1978), p. 94.Google Scholar