¹ See Schurmann, H. Franz, Ideology and Organization In Communist China, Berkeley: University of California Press, 1966, pp. 135–138Google Scholar, and Lewis, John W., Leadership in Communist China, Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1963, p. 116.Google Scholar

² Lan-t'ao, Liu, “The Communist Party of China is the High Command of the Chinese People in Building Socialism,” Ten Glorious Years, Peking: Foreign Languages Press, 1960, pp. 291–292.Google Scholar

³ Lenin, V. I., Collected Works, Moscow: Progressive Publishers, 1965, Vol. 32, p. 21.Google Scholar

⁴ Lenin, V. I., “What Is to Be Done?” Collected Works, Moscow: Foreign Languages Publishing House, 1961, Vol. 5, pp. 454, 459.Google Scholar

⁵ Lenin, V. I., “Left-Wing Communism, An Infantile Disorder,” Selected Works, Moscow: Foreign Languages Publishing House, 1952, Vol. 2, p. 871. Emphasis in original.Google Scholar

⁶ Chung-kuo kung-hui ti pa tz'u ch'üan-kuo tai-piao ta-hui chi-nien k'an (Commemorative Volume of the Eighth All-China Congress of Trade Unions) Peking: Kung-jen ch'u-pan she, 1958, pp. 658–659.Google Scholar Compare this with the 1963 Congress of the Central Council of Trade Unions in the U.S.S.R., at which only 60 per cent, of the delegates were Party members. Trud, 31 October 1963Google Scholar; cited in Emily Clark, Brown, Soviet Trade Unions and Labour Relations, Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1966, p. 74.Google Scholar

⁷ This paragraph follows Stalin, J., “Concerning Questions of Leninism,” Problems of Leninism, Moscow: Foreign Languages Publishing House, 1954, pp. 164–168.Google Scholar

⁸ Ibid. pp. 170–171. Emphasis in original.

⁹ For discussions of economism, see Lenin, “What Is to be Done?” op. cit., which is essentially a polemic against this trend; Thomas Taylor, Hammond, Lenin on Trade Unions and Revolution, 1893–1917, New York: Columbia University Press, 1957Google Scholar, especially chapter 3; and Peter, Gay, The Dilemma of Democratic Socialism, New York: Collier Books, 1962, which analyses the foundations of economism in Bernstein's revisionism. Briefly, economism in the non-communist society is the philosophy under which trade unions reject political struggle, particularly revolutionary struggle, in favour of concentrating on the accumulation of economic gains for the workers and eventual power in the political sphere through the exercise of economic power and the electoral strength of organized labour. Lenin rejected this as “pure trade unionism,” declaring it was foolish to expect spontaneous development of political consciousness on the part of the workers if the unions left the close direction of the revolutionary vanguard and sought independence to aid the workers' economic struggle. In the communist political system, economism is a term used to describe trade union concentration on the interests of the workers, especially immediate material interests, at the expense of furthering the Party's interests which, by self-definition, are on behalf of the whole society.Google Scholar

¹⁰ See Lai, Jo-yü's speech in Eighth All-China Congress of the Trade Unions, Peking: Foreign Languages Press, 1958, p. 54.Google Scholar

¹¹ Eighth National Congress of the Communist Party of China, Peking: Foreign Languages Press, 1956, Vol. II, pp. 252–255.Google Scholar For an account of the CCP and the Chinese labour movement before the Communists came to power, see Pringsheim, Klaus H., “Trade Unions and the Chinese Communists,” The Southwestern Social Science Quarterly, September 1965, pp. 111–117.Google Scholar

¹² The official title of the organization was the All-China Federation of Labour until May, 1953, when the English translation was officially changed to the All-China Federation of Trade Unions; the Chinese remains the same—Chung-hua ch'llan-kue tsung kung-hui. For purposes of clarity, this paper uses “All-China Federation of Trade Unions” throughout.Google Scholar

¹³ Li, Li-san, “Report on the Constitution of the All-China Federation of Trade Unions” (New China News Agency summary) Chung-kuo chih-kung yün-tung t tang-ch'ien jen-wu (The Present Tasks of the Chinese Workers' Movement) Hongkong: Hsin min-chu ch'u-pan she, 1949, p. 31.Google Scholar

¹⁴ The discussion of vertical and dual rule in this paper follows Schurmann, op. cit.Google Scholar

¹⁵ People's Daily; 7 February 1950. An earlier call to establish industrial unions, issued at a trade union work conference in July 1949, had apparently been less than successful: see Kung-hui kung-tso hsllan-chi wen-ch'lao (Selected Documents on Trade Union Work), Lao-tung ch'u-pan she, n.p., 1949, Vol. II, pp. 25–27.Google Scholar Preparatory committees for most industrial unions were not established until the latter half of 1950; see Jen-min Shou-ts'e (People's Handbook), 1953.Google Scholar

¹⁶ This analysis is based on Kung-jen jih-pao (Workers' Daily, hereafter KJJP), 11 2 1953Google Scholar; KJJP editorial, 1 January 1951Google Scholar, in Survey of the China Mainland Press, Hong Kong: U.S. Consulate (hereafter SCMP), No. 136, 1951, pp. 11–12Google Scholar and Lai Jo-yü's report on trade union work in The Seventh All-China Congress of Trade Unions, Peking: Foreign Languages Press, 1953, pp. 52–53, 66–67.Google Scholar

¹⁷ See the KJJP editorial, 6 August 1950.Google Scholar

¹⁸ See the “Notice on the Question of Rectifying the Work Style of Trade Union Organizations and Trade Union Cadres,” reprinted in the Hong Kong Ta Kung Pao, 15 August 1950. The materials which union cadres were to study, besides the documents which local CCP committees would assign, present interesting comment on the parallels perceived between the Chinese situation at that time and Russian Party history, as well as an operational disdain for the thought of Mao: none o Mao's writings were mentioned, but union cadres had to study the mass line section in Liu Shao-ch'i's 1945 report on changing the Party's Constitution, as well a Lenin's “Functions and Tasks of the Trade Unions Under the NEP.”Google Scholar

¹⁹ Lao tzu hsieh-shang hui-i (The Labour-Capital Consultative Conference), Peking: Kung-jen ch'u-pan she, 1950, pp. 1–5.Google Scholar

²⁰ Text of these Rules may be found in The Trade Union Law of the People's Republic of China, Peking: Foreign Languages Press, 1952, pp. 27–32.Google Scholar

²¹ For the following arguments, see: “What Standpoint Should the Trade Unions Occupy?” Chung-kuo kung-jen (China's Workers), No. 15, April 1951, pp. 36, 22.Google Scholar

²² Schurmann, op. cit., pp. 239–262, discusses the spread of the Russian system of one-man management in China in the early years. While he concludes that this system was perhaps not so widespread in China as we have previously thought, it certainly was stressed in the more industrialized areas and would affect the question of union-management relations and standpoint.Google Scholar

²³ Liu, Shao-ch'i, welcoming speech, Eighth All-China Congress of the Trade Unions, op. cit. p. 18.Google Scholar

²⁴ Lai Jo-yü was one of the major offenders in this usage of confusing terminology.Google Scholar

²⁵ Neither of these documents is available, but the gist of their contents may be found in KJJP, 11 February 1953, which reported on the 2nd Plenary Session of the ACFTU 6th Executive Committee. There were no public statements at all concerning the 1951 crisis until the 1953 report.Google Scholar

²⁶ KJJP, 11 February 1953.Google Scholar

²⁷ Ibid.

²⁸ Chung-kuo chiao-yü kung-hui kung-tso-che shou-ts'e (Chinese Education Workers Union Workers' Handbook), Peking: Kung-jen ch'u-pan she, 1951, pp. 26–40.Google Scholar

²⁹ Lai's obituary and some biographic eulogies may be found in Chung-kuo kung-jen, No. 10, 1958 (27 May 1958), pp. 4–5.Google Scholar

³⁰ John, Gardner, “The Wufan Campaign in Shanghai: A Study in the Consolidation of Urban Control,” in Chinese Politics in Action, ed. by Barnett, A. Doak, Seattle: University of Washington Press, forthcoming.Google Scholar

³¹ Shanghai, Chieh-fang jih-pao (Liberation Daily), 28 March 1952.Google Scholar

³² See, for instance, Ch'ang-chiang jih-pao (Yangtze Daily), 6 April 1952Google Scholar; Ch'ung-ch'ing hsin-hua jih-pao (Chungking New China Daily), 23 May 1952Google Scholar; or Nan-fang jih-pao (Southern Daily), 24 May 1952.Google Scholar

³³ In The Seventh All-China Congress of Trade Unions, op. cit. pp. 84–102.Google Scholar

³⁴ Schurmann, op. cit. p. 284.Google Scholar

³⁵ See the ACFTU “Directive on Wage Reform,” New China News Agency (hereafter NCNA), 5 July 1956, in SCMP No. 1327, 1956, pp. 17–18.Google Scholar For an earlier effort by the unions to effect wage reform, see Chia-ch'iang kung-hui kung-tzu kung-tso (Strengthen the Trade Union Wage Work) (Peking: Kung-jen ch'u-pan she, 1955).Google Scholar

³⁶ For a brief treatment of goals and incentive policies, see Charles, Hoffmann, “Work Incentive Policy in Communist China,” The China Quarterly, No. 17, January-March 1964, especially pp. 92–97.Google Scholar

³⁷ See my Spare-Time Education for Workers in Communist China, Washington: Office of Education, 1964, Bulletin 1964, no. 30.Google Scholar

³⁸ See, for example, the “Letter to the Whole Country's Electrical Industry Workers and Employees,” Tien yeh kung-jen (Electrical Industry Workers), 10 February 1956Google Scholar, and the speeches of the Electrical Workers Union Chairman and the Minister of the Electric Power Industry summarized in Tien yeh kung-jen, 23 April 1956. The emphasis is markedly on specialization and technical advance, with politics only minimally considered.Google Scholar

³⁹ NCNA, 13 January 1956, in SCMP No. 1212, pp. 16–18.Google Scholar

⁴⁰ The following paragraph is based on Schurmann, op. cit., especially pp. 88–90, 188–194.Google Scholar

⁴¹ Ibid. p. 89.

⁴² Ibid. pp. 190–195, 272–287.

⁴³ See especially the speech by Li Hsüeh-feng, Director of the CCP Central Committee's Industry Department, in Eighth National Congress of the Communist Party of China, op. cit., Vol. II, pp. 304–317.Google Scholar

⁴⁴ See the discussion on decentralization in Schurmann, op. cit., pp. 195–206, 284–293.Google Scholar

⁴⁵ “Interview of Lai Jo-yü by KJJP Reporter” (7 May), KJJP, 9 May 1957Google Scholar, in SCMP No. 1535, 1957, p. 12. Author's emphasis.Google Scholar

⁴⁶ Liu, Tzu-chiu, “On Problems of the Leadership of the Party Towards the Trade Unions,” Hsüeh-hsi (Study), No. 10, 2 October 1955, pp. 10–11.Google Scholar

⁴⁷ The following analysis is reconstructed from interviews in Hong Kong, confirmed so far as possible from published materials, particularly at the purges of the ACFTU in 1958. Despite some gaps in information and confirmation, the outline presented here appears the most tenable of all such reconstructions.Google Scholar

⁴⁸ Accusations against Liu Shao-ch'i in the Cultural Revolution after summer 1967 hinted that he had sided with the unions, but without specific details. Finally, Liu was placed squarely in the forefront of the 1957 battle for union independence from the Party in an article by “Proletarian Revolutionaries” in the ACFTU titled “The Struggle Between Two Lines in China's Trade Union Movement,” Peking Review, No. 26, 26 June 1968, pp. 17–21. The article declared: “He fanatically advocated that the Party ‘can only assist, but not exercise leadership over’ the trade unions, and repeatedly stressed that the trade unions should establish an independent ‘systematic leadership.’ Shielded by China's Khrushchov and following him step by step, the handful of persons in authority taking the capitalist road who entrenched themselves in the All-China Federation of Trade Unions advocated ‘the independence of trade unions.’ … China's Khrushchov and his agents even demanded that the trade unions assume ‘daily growing’ importance in ‘implementing the duties of state organs’ and ‘supervise’ the government. In line with these reactionary theories, they turned the trade unions into an anti-Party ‘independent kingdom’ and hoped to replace the Party with trade unions, in a futile attempt to realize their criminal counter-revolutionary aim of usurping Party and state power” (p. 20). While Liu's active leadership of the union fight for independence is perhaps exaggerated here, the phraseology attributed to him unquestionably allies him with the unions against the implementation of local Party control in 1957.Google Scholar

⁴⁹ “Trade Unions Open Debate On Two Lines,” NCNA, Peking, 28 November 1957.Google Scholar in SCMP, No. 1665, 1957, pp. 40–42.Google Scholar

⁵⁰ Ibid. p. 41.

⁵¹ “Adhere to the Correct Line of the Trade Union Movement,” KJJP editorial, 22 October 1957, as summarized in “Trade Unions Open Debate On Two Lines,” op. cit. pp. 41–42.Google Scholar

⁵² Hsü, Chih-chen's speech, Eighth All-China Congress of Trade Unions, op cit. p. 96.Google Scholar

⁵³ Li, Feng (a NCNA interviewer), “On an 8,000-li Tour of Hurried Observation,” People's Daily, 9 May 1951Google Scholar, in SCMP No. 1551 (1957), pp. 10–13.Google Scholar

⁵⁴ During the Cultural Revolution, Liu Shao-ch'i has been accused of being the motivating force behind Li Hsiu-jen's trip, having “urged the trade union cadres to ‘go around and make appeals’ in the ‘interests of the masses,’ even at the risk of ‘knocking your head against the wall.’” See “The Struggle Between Two Lines in China's Trade Union Movement,” op. cit. p. 19.Google Scholar

⁵⁵ Li Feng, op. cit. p. 11.Google Scholar

⁵⁶ Lo, Yü-wen, “Distressing Contradictions,” KJJP, 21 May 1957Google Scholar, in SCMP No. 1551, 1957, pp. 21–22.Google Scholar

⁵⁷ Li Feng, “On an 8,000-Li Tour of Hurried Observation,” op. cit. p. 12.Google Scholar

⁵⁸ “What Is the Fundamental Cause Behind the Trade Union Work ‘Crisis’?” KJJP, 21 May 1957Google Scholar, in SCMP No. 1551, 1957, pp. 14–17.Google Scholar

⁵⁹ Ibid. p. 16.

⁶⁰ Ibid. p. 17.

⁶¹ Figures in the People's Daily, 25 April 1953.Google Scholar

⁶² See Lewis, op. cit. p. 108.Google Scholar

⁶³ Eighth National Congress of the Communist Party of China, op. cit., Vol. II, p. 315Google Scholar

⁶⁴ Tieh-lu kung-jen (Railway Workers, torgan of the Political Bureau of the Canto Railway Administration Office), 4 May 1957, p. 2.Google Scholar

⁶⁵ “Notes On A Trip to the West” KJJP, 30 May-12 June 1957.Google Scholar

⁶⁶ See the KJJP editorial, 13 August 1958Google Scholar, in SCMP No. 1849, 1958, pp. 26–31.Google Scholar

⁶⁷ See Tiewes, Frederick C., “The Purge of the Provincial Leaders 1957–1958,” The China Quarterly, No. 27, July-September 1966, pp. 14–32CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Hopei jih-pao, 4 June 1958Google Scholar, and KJJP, 27 June 1958; and also the NCNA release, 11 August 1958, on the official purging of the ACFTU Executive Committee.Google Scholar

⁶⁸ “ACFTU Holds Executive Meeting,” NCNA, 11 August 1958Google Scholar, in SCMP No. 1833, 1958, p. 6.Google Scholar

⁶⁹ Ma, T'ien-shui, “Intensify Mass and Foundation Work, Promote Technical Innovation and Revolution,” KJJP, 14 July 1965Google Scholar, in SCMP No. 3521, 1965, pp. 3–10.Google Scholar

⁷⁰ See China News Summary, No. 176, p. 5.Google Scholar

⁷¹ “Aim and ‘Open Fire’ On the Revisionist Worker Movement Line,” Shanghai Chieh-fang jih-pao, 15 July 1967.Google Scholar

⁷² Harbin radio, 4 August 1967.Google Scholar

⁷³ Huhehot radio, 19 September 1967.Google Scholar

⁷⁴ See People's Daily, 1 December 1967.Google Scholar

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⁷⁷ See “Sources of Labor Discontent in China: The Worker-Peasant System,” Current Scene, Vol. VI, No. 5, 15 March, 1968, for a recent discussion of workers' attitudes toward the intra-Party clash in the Cultural Revolution.Google Scholar

⁷⁸ New York Times, 5 March 1968.Google Scholar