¹ The Straits Times (Singapore and Kuala Lumpur), December 10, 1963.Google Scholar

² Victor, Purcell, The Chinese in Southeast Asia (London: Oxford University Press, 1951)Google Scholar, pp. 332, 338; Report of the Nanyang University Review Committee (Misc. 1 of 1960), Presented to the Legislative Assembly by the Minister for Education (Singapore: Government Printing Office, 1960), p. 1.Google Scholar

³ Where possible in Southeast Asia private Chinese schools seemed to encourage this militancy. One report on a Chinese private school on the east coast of Borneo in the early nineteen-twenties notes how in the school “Many hours are spent in singing lessons, and then mostly (Chinese) national songs are sung. The boys go to school wearing uniform caps and on feast days, like the birthday of Confucius, or the anniversary of the Chinese Republic, they march with toy rifles on their shoulders, accompanied by their teachers”: Bertling, C. T., “De Chineezen op de Oostkust van Borneo,” Koloniale Studien, IX (1925), p. 20.Google Scholar

⁴ Purcell, op. cit., p. 337.Google Scholar

⁵ Federation of Malaya. Official Yearbook 1962 (Kuala Lumpur: 1962), pp. 348–349.Google Scholar “Reasonable demand,” as a criterion for giving instruction in Chinese in a government assisted school, “used to mean 15 students in any one class. It now means 15 students in any one school, or even a total of 15 students in any two or three Neighbouring schools—a very generous interpretation indeed.” Editorial, “Problems in Schools,” The Straits Times, October 29, 1963.Google Scholar

⁶ The Straits Times, December 11, 1963.Google Scholar

⁷ See Elegant, Robert S., The Dragon's Seed. Peking and the Overseas Chinese (New York: Publisher, 1959), esp. pp. 20, 91–92, 150–151 and passim.Google Scholar

⁸ Lin, Yutang, “How a Citadel for Freedom was Destroyed by the Reds,” Life, May 2, 1955, pp. 138–154.Google Scholar

⁹ See University Tribune (Singapore: Nanyang University), October 22, 1958.Google Scholar

¹⁰ Suloh Nantah (Journal of the English Society, Nanyang University, Singapore), No. 9 (December 1958), p. 18.Google Scholar

¹¹ Lim Beng, Tee, “Let Us Be Frank and Fair to the English Language,” Suloh Nantah, No. 7 (June 1958), pp. 10, 11.Google Scholar

¹² Report of the Nanyang University Commission, 1959 (Singapore: Government Printing Office, 1959), esp. pp. 15, 16 and 27.Google Scholar

¹³ Report of the Nanyang University Review Committee (Misc. 1 of 1960), presented to the Legislative Assembly by the Minister for Education, op. cit., esp. pp. 4, 7, 8.Google Scholar

¹⁴ The Straits Times, December 10, 1963.Google Scholar

¹⁵ Nanyang University Calendar 1963 (Singapore: 1963), p. 83.Google Scholar

¹⁶ See, e.g., my “Communism and Chinese Communalism in Sarawak,” pp. of this issueGoogle Scholar; “Malaysia's Problems and Prospects,” Il PoliticoGoogle Scholar (forthcoming); “The Sino-Indonesian Partnership,” Orbis, Summer, 1964.Google Scholar

¹⁷ The Straits Times, October 5, 1963.Google Scholar

¹⁸ Late in October 1958, the University announced that the Singapore government would grant M$450,000 to the University to cover the deficit for the academic year 1958–59, and that the Government would additionally contribute another M$400,000 as a bursaries fund for needy Singapore students at Nanyang. By early 1959 the first funds were trickling in, but it is not known if the entire sum promised in October was actually received, since shortly after the first government aid was received the opposition to the idea of such aid reached a new height.Google Scholar

¹⁹ The Straits Times, December 10, 1963.Google Scholar

²⁰ Early in November 1963, the chief executive officer of the University of Singapore, Vice-Chancellor B. R. Sreenivasan, resigned, a principal reason being that the Singapore government wished to exercise greater control over the entrance of Chinese educated students into the University, “quite a number” of whom, in the Government's opinion, “were also hardcore Communist cadres.” The Government apparently also wished to influence the structure of the curriculum of courses at the University so as to alert undergraduates to Communist methods. Sreenivasan declined to accept these Government proposals which were presented in the context of a discussion of the University's financial needs, with the result that the government declared that Sreenivasan was adopting “the posture of the ostrich.”Google ScholarThe Straits Times, November 1, 1963.Google Scholar

²¹ Yang, E. L., “A Strong and Healthy Students' Union,” Suloh Nantah, No. 9 (December 1958), pp. 18–20.Google Scholar

²² See, e.g., University Tribune, No. 10, April 1961, pp. 1–2.Google Scholar

²³ Nanyang Ta Hsueh Hsueh Sheng Loh Cheng Teh Chih (Souvenir Issue of the Opening Ceremony of the Students' Union House of Nanyang University) (Singapore: August 10, 1963)Google Scholar, p. 6. See also Sabah Times, July 6, 1964, for the Malaysian Government's “White Paper” on Communism in Nanyang University and a description of the incident.Google Scholar

²⁴ Lee Kuan, Yew, The Battle for Merger (Singapore: Government Printing Office, 1961), p. 89. According to Premier Lee the publication of the University of Singapore's Socialist Club, Fajar, was also used by Communists to articulate their policies.Google Scholar

²⁵ See the remarks of the Singapore Minister of Education, Ong Pang, Boon, on “Instances of Intimidation and Assaults at the Nanyang University” in The Straits Times, December 11, 1963.Google Scholar

²⁶ For details on this amalgamation of front groups see my article, “Singapore's Communist Fronts,” Problems of Communism, September–October 1964.Google Scholar

²⁷ The Sunday Times (Singapore and Kuala Lumpur), February 3, 1963Google Scholar; The Straits Times, February 4, 5, 1963Google Scholar; The Malayan Times (Petaling Jaya), February 4, 5, 1963.Google Scholar

²⁸ The Straits Times, September 15, 1963.Google Scholar

²⁹ The Malayan Times, September 23, 1963. Tan's Malaysian citizenship was subsequently revoked. But he holds British citizenship as well and his property interests have not been affected.Google Scholar

³⁰ The Straits Times, September 24, 1963.Google Scholar

³¹ Serenda, , “Bloodshed in Nanyang University,” Suloh Nantah, No. 23 (November 1963), p. 2.Google Scholar

³² Malayan Times, September 27, 1963.Google Scholar

³³ Cheng Sen Pau (Singapore: Barisan Sosialis Publications Committee), No. 53, October 8, 1963, p. 1 (mimeo).Google Scholar

³⁴ The Straits Times, October 3, 1963.Google Scholar

³⁵ Ibid., October 8, 1963.

³⁶ Malayan Times, October 9, 1963.Google Scholar

³⁷ The Straits Times, November 29, 1963.Google Scholar

³⁸ See my article, “Communism and the Guerilla War in Sarawak,” The World Today, February 1964, pp. 50–60.Google Scholar

³⁹ The Straits Times, December 3, 1963.Google Scholar On the use of English see also “Language and Learning,” Far Eastern Economic Review, May 21, 1964, pp. 391–392.Google Scholar

⁴⁰ Indicative is the Chinese Communist Party's recent assertion that U.S. reverses in Southeast Viet Nam not only have encouraged revolutionary action in other countries of Asia, Africa and Latin America, but that the people in these countries should emulate the Viet Cong because U.S. reverses show that “The people of any country or region subjected to U.S. aggression can win victory, if only they are not overawed by its apparent strength and dare and know how to struggle.”Google ScholarRenmin Ribao, editorial, March 4, 1964.Google Scholar

⁴¹ See my articles, “The Sino-Indonesian Partnership,” Orbis, Summer 1964Google Scholar, and “Communism and the Guerilla War in Sarawak,” The World Today, February 1964, pp. 57–58.Google Scholar

⁴² Thus one may find a leading and Western trained Chinese educator in Hong Kong urging the establishment in the new Chinese University of Hong Kong of a “College of Chinese Medicine,” on the grounds that “Chinese medicine is an indispensable part of Chinese culture. It is inseparable from Chinese culture.” Moreover, it is argued, if adequate training would be offered in Chinese medicine one could achieve the “elimination of quacks” now practising Chinese medicine in Hong Kong. Then, too, one could proceed with the registration of practitioners of Chinese medicine as “is the case with doctors of Western Medicine.”Google ScholarChiu, Vermier Y., “The Chinese University” Hong Kong Standard, December 6, 1963.Google Scholar