Published online by Cambridge University Press: 17 February 2009
This paper analyses Mao's revolutionary strategy as revealed in the Cultural Revolution. Defined as an analysis of ends and means, strategy stands between objective reality and action, linking one event to another in a chain of social causation. Since one's attitudes and ideology influence one's definition of the situation and one's selection of means and goals, these subjective elements constitute a large part of any strategy. This study of Mao's strategy therefore raises the following questions: what was Mao's role in the Cultural Revolution; what faults did he attribute to the pre-Cultural Revolution Chinese political system; what were his objectives in the Cultural Revolution; how did he actually lead themovement; and was there any discernible pattern in his leadership?
Mao's Role in the Cultural Revolution
The Cultural Revolution was certainly one of the most complex political events in the entire history of the Chinese Communist Party (CCP). It involved a large segmentof the general population and all ruling groups, both the government and the Party, from the Central Committee down to Party branches in the schools and factories. Moreover, a wide varietyof issues were raised, discussed and debated: broad ideological and political questions and more specific questions of economic, cultural and educational policy. To complicate matters further, the mass movement lasted more than two years, passing through a number of different stages. At each stage, new political groups emerged, leading groups changed, and tactics shifted, only to produce a new configuration in the next stage. Each stage, therefore, exhibited its ownunique features in terms of the dominant actors, issues and coalitions, and each stage forced the individual actor to reconsider his choice of tactics and coalition partners.
1. For the Party reconstruction, see Tzu-liao chuan-ch'i, November 1968.
2. Hsing-taojih-pao, 4 November 1972.
3. Oksenberg, Michel, “Policy making under Mao Tse-tung, 1949–1968, “Comparative Politics, Vol. 3, No. 3, 04 1971CrossRefGoogle Scholar.
4. For instance, see Stone, Lawrence, “Theories of revolution”, World Politics, Vol. XVIII (01 1966), No. 2, pp. 159–76CrossRefGoogle Scholar.
5. Weber, Max, The Theory of Social EconomicOrganization, edited by Parsons, Talcott (New York: The Free Press, 1966), pp. 353–82Google Scholar.
6. For bureaucracy in general, see Downs, Anthony, Inside Bureaucracy (Boston: Little, Brown and Co., 1967)CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Mouzelis, Nicas P., Organization and Bureaucracy (Chicago: Aldine Publishing, 1967)Google Scholar; Perrow, Charles, Complex Organizations (Illinois: Scott, Foresma, 1972)Google Scholar.
7. Wu, Yuan-li (ed.), China Year Book (New York: Praeger Publisher, 1973), p. 209Google Scholar.
8. James Townsend, Interparty Conflict in China: Disintegration of an Established One Party System, University of Washington Monograph.
9. Oksenberg, Michel, “Local leaders in rural China, 1962–1965”, in Barnett, A. Doak, Chinese Communist Party in Action (Seattle: University of Washington, 1967), pp. 155–215Google Scholar.
10. Selznick, Philip, “Cooptation: a mechanism for organizational stability” in Merton, Robert (ed.), Reader in Bureaucracy, pp. 135–40Google Scholar.
11. Bottomore, T. B., Class in Modern Society (London: George Allen and Unwin, 1965)Google Scholar.
12. Darendorf, Ralf, Class and Class Conflict in Industrial Society (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1957)Google Scholar.
13. Davis, Kingsley and Moore, Wilbert E., “Some principles of stratification” in Bendex, and Lipset, (eds.), Class, Status and Power (New York: The Free Press, 1966), pp.47–52Google Scholar.
14. HsinPeita, 25 November 1967.
15. T'iao-chan, March 1968.
16. For Mao's, view on change, see Mao Tse-tung ssu-hsiang wan-sui, pp. 337–39Google Scholar.
17. Boorman, Howard L., “Mao Tse-tung as historian”, The China Quarterly (CQ), No. 28 (10 1966), pp. 82–105CrossRefGoogle Scholar.
18. He once observed: “Although socialism eliminates classes, in itsprocess of development some problems of groups with vested interests still persist. These groups are satisfied with a system advantageous to them and are not willing to change it. For example, carrying out the system of distribution according to labour – the more one works the more one gets – is advantageous to them, but a system of distribution according to need makes them feel uncomfortable. If one wants to establish a new system one must always destroy the old system. It is impossible to have construction without destruction. But destruction offends some people. Man is a strange animal; if he has some advantages, he always fortifies them”. Mao Tse-tungssu-hsiang wan-sui, p. 344.
19. Schurmann, Franz, Ideology and Organization in Communist China (Berkeley, University of California, 1966), p. 509Google Scholar.
20. Womack, Brandy, “Theory and practice in the thought of Mao Tse-tung”, in Hsiung, James Chieh(ed.), The Logic of “Maoism” (New York: Praeger, 1974)Google Scholar.
21. Mao, said that China needed “revolutionary zeal of Russia and practical spirit of America”, “Miscellany of Mao Tse-tung Thought (1949–1968), in Joint Publications Research Service, (JPRS) No. 61269–1, Part I, p. 138Google Scholar.
22. “Chairman Mao discusses twenty manifestations of bureaucracy”, JPRS, No. 40,862 (02 1970), pp. 40–43Google Scholar.
23. “Comment on comrade Ch'en Chen-jen's report onstaying at a selected spot”, Current Background, No. 891 (8 10 1969), p. 50Google Scholar.
24. Lee, Hong Yung, “The radical students in Kwangtung during the Cultural Revolution”, CQ, No. 64, 12 1975Google Scholar.
25. Miscellany of Mao Tse-tung Thought, p. 15.
26. MacFarquhar, Roderick, The Origins of the Cultural Revolution (New York: Columbia University Press, 1974)Google Scholar.
27. Mao Tse-tung ssu-hsiang wan-sui, pp. 607–608.
28. “MaoChu-hsi t'ungwai-pini-tsuchiang-hua” (Red Guard pamphlet).
29. Ibid.
30. Jen-minjih-pao (Jen-miri), 16 June 1966.
31. For the leaders' speeches during this period, see Current Background, No. 819, 10 03 1967Google Scholar.
32. Unobstructed horizontal communication that links people to people is essential for any large-scale mass mobilization. Conversely, the control of horizontal communication is the most effective measure to prevent the large-scale collective action of the masses. For this reason the work teams compartmentalized the movement.
33. Some organizational theorists argue that communication channel is the source of organizational legitimacy. Bernard, Chester I., “Definition of authority”, Reader in Bureaucracy, p. 181Google Scholar.
34. For instance, see Jen-min, 16 June 1966, 1 July 1966 and 15 June 1966.
35. “Selected big character posters from Tsinghua” Survey of China Mainland Magazines (SCMMS), No. 20 (18 03 1968), p. 12Google Scholar.
36. “Mao Chu-hsi t'ung wai-pin i-tsu chiang-hua” (Red Guard pamphlet).
37. Hong Yung Lee, “The radical students in Kwangtung.”
38. Later this period was known as “50 days.”
39. Gamson, William, Power and Discontent (Chicago: Dorsey Press, 1968)Google Scholar.
40. Mao Tse-tungssu-hsiang wan-sui, pp. 591 and 595.
41. “The counter-revolutionary crimes of the August 1 fighting corps”, Survey of China Mainland Press (SCMP), No. 3905 (23 03 1967), pp. 1–4Google Scholar.
42. T'i-yu chan-pao, 27 February 1967.
43. Index to Selected Work of Mao Tse-tung (Mao Tse-tung hsiian-chiso-yin compiled by Hsieh-yang District Party Committee), p. 44Google Scholar.
44. For the February Outline, see CCP Documents of the Great Proletarian Cultural Revolution (Hong Kong: Union Research Service), pp. 7–12.
45. For Forum, Shanghai, set Peking Review, 2 06 1967, pp. 10–16Google Scholar.
46. CCP Documents of the Cultural Revolution, pp. 20–29.
47. For the 16 Articles, see Peking Review, No. 33, 12 08 1966Google Scholar.
48. Ping-tuan chan-pao, 10 April 1967; Jen-min, 26 April 1967; Kuang-ming jih-pao, 7 April 1967.
49. Robinson, Thomas, “Chou En-lai and the Cultural Revolution in China” in Robinson, Thomas (ed.), The Cultural Revolution in China (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1971), pp. 165–312Google Scholar.
50. CCP Documents of the Cultural Revolution, pp. 192–93 and 283–87.
51. For Chou's strategy of power seizure, “Premier Chou's important speech”, SCMP, No. 181 (8 05 1968), pp. 11–20Google Scholar.
52. “The cadres must be correctly treated”, Hung-ch'i, No. 4, 1967Google Scholar.
53. “February Adverse Current”, Issues and Studies, No. 12 (08 1967), pp. 43–47Google Scholar.
54. “Directives and Notices on the Cultural Revolution”, SCMMS, No. 17 (15 01 1968), p. 78Google Scholar.
55. “The proletariat must take a firm hold of the gun”, Hung-ch'i, No. 12 (08 1967), pp. 43–47Google Scholar.
56. “Chairman Mao's latest directive”, SCMP, No. 4057 (8 11 1967), pp. 1–2Google Scholar.
57. “Premier Chou En-lai's speech”, SCMP, No. 4088 (28 12 1967), p. 13Google Scholar.
58. China News Summary, No. 215 (11 04 1968), No. 219 (9 May 1968) and No. 220 (16 May 1968)Google Scholar.
59. Hung-se t'ung-hsun, 12 July 1968; Hung-wei-ping t'ung-hsun, July 1968.
60. Chung Pao Chou Kan (Hong Kong), 20 07 1968Google Scholar.
61. Definite indications of the end of the Cultural Revolution were given in 3 and 23 July orders. See Chung-kung wen-hua ta ko-ming chung-yao wen-chien hui-pien (Taipei: Chung-kung yen-chiu, 1973), pp. 186–88Google Scholar; “The July 23 notice of the CCP Central Committee”, Issues and Studies, October 1969, pp. 97–100.
62. “Mao Chu-hsi t'ung wai-pin i-tsu chiang-hua” (Red Guard pamphlet).
63. San-erh-chih t'ung-hsun, July 1968. In early 1968 the Centre issued directive that the PLA should respect the Revolutionary Committee. Li-hsi-kung, 3 June 1968; Wen-k'o t'ung-hsun, February 1968.
64. Wen-k'o t'ung-hsun, February 1968.
65. For the campaign to rectify the class ranks see, Ch'ing-li tzu-liao chieh-chi tui-wu tzu-liao (Red Guard pamphlet).
66. Kung-jen tsao-fanpao, 10 April 1968.
67. Ibid. 19 December 1968.
68. Ibid. 17 August 1968.
69. Bettelheim, Charles, Cultural Revolution and Industrial Organization in China (New York: Monthly Review, 1974)Google Scholar.
70. Slyke, Van, Enemies and Friends (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1967)Google Scholar.
71. Tsou, Tang, “Prolegomena to the study of informal groups in CCP politics”, CQ, No. 65 (03 1976), pp. 98–114CrossRefGoogle Scholar.
72. Teiwes, Frederick, Provincial Leadership in China: The Cultural Revolution and Its Aftermath, Columbia University East Asia Papers, 1974Google Scholar.
73. For instance, seeJen-min, 5 February 1976 and 19February 1976.