1. tung, Mao Tse-, “Speech to the Albanian military delegation” (1 05 1967)Google Scholar, in Mao Tse-tung ssu-hsiang wan-sui! [Wan-sui (1969)] (n.pub. preface dated August 1969), p. 673.

2. Lewis, John Wilson, Leadership in Communist China (Ithaca, N.Y.: Cornell University Press, 1963), p. 89Google Scholar.

3. Tse-tung, Mao, “Summary of Chairman Mao's talks to responsible local comrades during his tour of inspection (mid-August to 12 September 1971), transl. in Chinese Law and Government, Vol. V, Nos. 3–4 (Fall/Winter, 1972–1973), p. 33Google Scholar.

4. Cf. Tse-Tung, Mao, Selected Works (Peking: Foreign Languages Press, 1965), Vol. IV, p. 336Google Scholar; also see Mao's criticism of Stalin's Economic Problems of Socialism in the Soviet Union, in Mao Tse-tung ssu-hsiang wan-sui! [Wan sui (1967)] (n.pub., preface dated 1967), p. 156.

5. Schurmann, Franz, Ideology and Organization in Communist China (Berkeley, Calif.: University of California Press, 1968), pp. 24–53Google Scholar.

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12. Cf. supra, note 3. Mao is using the term quite freely here, for most of these purges cannot meet all our criteria for line struggle.

13. Ibid.

14. Thus Mao, in 1971: “The struggle with P'eng Te-huai at the 1959 Lushan Conference was a struggle between two headquarters. The struggle with Liu Shaoch'i is yet another struggle between two headquarters. The struggle at this Lushan Conference is yet another between two headquarters.” Ibid.

15. Mao, , “Summing-up speech at the Sixth Expanded Plenum of the Seventh Central Committee of the Chinese Communist Party” (September 1955), Wan-sui (1969), p. 13Google Scholar.

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17. “Minutes of a forum with T'ung Hsiao-p'eng” [Deputy Director of the General Office of the Central Committee] (20 October 1966), in “Collections of speeches by central leaders,” No. 4, jointly compiled by the Red Guard Commune, “Mao Tse-tung's Thought,” and the Combat Group of the “Defence of the Supreme Directives,” December 1966.

18. Cf. supra, note 3.

19. “Raise high the great red banner of Mao Tse-tung's thought and carry the Great Proletarian Cultural Revolution through to the end – essential points for propaganda and education in connection with the Great Cultural Revolution,” Liberation Army Daily, 6 June 1966; cf. also “Outline of the struggle between the two lines from the event of the founding of the People's Republic of China through the 11th Plenum of the Eighth CCP Central Committee,” transl. in Current Background (CB), No. 884 (18 07 1969), p. 19Google Scholar.

20. The most faithful adoption of the Chinese model is found in Hoffman, Rainer, Entmaoisierung in China: Zur Vorgeschichte der Kulturrevolution (Munich: Weltforum Verlag, 1974)Google Scholar, and Machetzki, Rüdiger, “Chronologie des innerparteilichen Linienkampfs in der Kommunistischen Partei Chinas, 1949–1965,” Mitteilungen des Instituts fuer Asienkunde, No. 57 (Hamburg, 1973)Google Scholar. Much more subtle is Illiez, Pierre, Chine Rouge, Page Blanche (Paris: Julliard, 1973)Google Scholar. Attempts to develop a synthesis with western social science are found in Whyte, Martin King, “Bureaucracy and modernization in China: the Maoist critique,” American Sociological Review, Vol. 38, No. 2 (04 1973), pp. 149–63CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Lowenthal, Richard, “Development vs. Utopia in communist policy,” in Johnson, Chalmers (ed.), Change in Communist Systems (Stanford, Calif.: Stanford University Press, 1970), pp. 33–117Google Scholar; Harding, Harry, “Maoist theories of policy-making and organization,” in Robinson, Thomas (ed.), The Cultural Revolution in China (Berkeley Calif.: University of California Press, 1971)Google Scholar; and Harding, , “The organizational issue in Chinese politics, 1957–1972” (Stanford, Calif.: unpublished Ph.D. dissertation, 1973)Google Scholar.

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22. Protocol evidence consists of the order of appearance on ceremonial occasions, which is assumed to coincide with the order of precedence within the leadership. Cf. MacFarquharl, Roderick, “On photographs,” The China Quarterly (CQ), No. 46 (04/06 1971), pp. 289–308CrossRefGoogle Scholar, for an excellent example of this type of analysis. Successful predictions made on this basis include the fall of Beria (because of his failure to attend a performance of The Decembrists at the Bolshoi theatre) and MacFarquhar's own prediction of the resurrection of Teng Hsiao-p'ing.

23. Many of the following points I owe to a personal communication from Tang Tsou.

24. Mao, , “Speech at the Lushan Conference” (23 07 1959)Google Scholar; the most complete translation is in Chinese Law and Government, Vol. I, No. 4 (winter 1968–1969), pp. 27–44Google Scholar.

25. huai's, P'eng Te “Letter of opinion” (14 July 1959), in Exchange of Revolutionary Experience (Red Guard tabloid), 24 05 1967Google Scholar, transl. in The Case of Peng Teh-huai, 1959–1968 (Hong Kong: Union Research Institute, 1968), pp. 7–15Google Scholar.

26. Ibid. In emphasizing the lop-sidedness of the encounter, I basically agree with Simmonds', J. D. interpretation, in his “P'eng Te-huai: a chronological reexamination,” CQ, No. 37 (01/03 1969), pp. 120–39CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

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28. Cf. supra, note 24.

29. “P'eng Te-huai's speech at the Eighth Plenum of the Eighth CCP Central Committee,” transl. in CB, No. 851 (26 04 1968), p. 28Google Scholar.

30. Cf. supra, note 24, pp. 42–43.

31. Ibid.

32. Oksenberg, Michel C., China: The Convulsive Society (New York: Foreign Policy Association, 12 1970), Headline Series, No. 203, p. 37Google Scholar.

33. A new emphasis on rural health appeared. More emphasis was given to the integration of labour with education and to creating educational opportunities for workers and peasants: for example, in 1964–65 the admission of children with bad class backgrounds on the basis of good test scores was sharply curtailed, and in 1964–65 class origin became a more decisive criterion for admissions. There was also a politicization of literature and culture in 1964–65.

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40. Illiez, Pierre, Chine Rouge, p. 63Google Scholar. Work Bulletins for this period are translated in Cheng, J. Chester, The Politics of the Chinese Red Army: A Translation of the Bulletin of Activities of the PLA (Stanford, Calif.: Hoover Institution Press, 1966.)Google Scholar

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43. See my “Revolution and reconstruction in contemporary Chinese bureaucracy,” Journal of Comparative Administration, Vol. V, No. 4 (02 1974), pp. 443–87Google Scholar.

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48. Jen-min jih-pao, 1 October 1965. On 27 May 1965 the main newspapers of Peking reported on a front page that during the previous summer Mao and Liu had been seen swimming together in the artificial lake on the outskirts of the city (a reservoir near the Ming tombs). “On the diving board, they chatted with a group of young people, exhorting them to swim and struggle against the elements so as to become vigorous revolutionaries.” “Mass swimming,” Peking Review, No. 23 (24 06 1965)Google Scholar.

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50. NCNA, 31 December 1964, in SCMP, No. 3371 (6 January 1965), p. 1.

51. Cf. the closely reasoned monograph by Simmonds, J. D., China: Xhe Evolution of a Revolution (Canberra: Australian National University, 1968)Google Scholar, Working Paper No. 9.

52. Mao, , “Directive on public health” (26 06 1965), in Wan-sui (1969), p. 629Google Scholar.

53. “Notification on safeguarding the achievements of the four cleans movement” (25 01 1967), transl. in CB, No. 852, p. 52Google Scholar; as cited in Baum, Prelude.

54. Hung-ch'i, No. 4 (1 03 1967), pp. 49–50Google Scholar; as cited in Baum, Prelude. Not until 1 January 1967 was the Socialist Education Movement included in the polemics, too late for it to figure in a convincing causal explanation of the Cultural Revolution.

55. Mao, quoted in Compton, Boyd (ed.), Mao's China: Party Reform Documents, 1942–1944 (Seattle, Wash.: University of Washington Press, 1952), p. 190Google Scholar.

56. I concur with MacFarquhar in dating the introduction of the two fronts at April 1959. Cf. Origins, pp. 152–59.

57. “Twenty-Three Articles,” in Baum and Teiwes, Ssu-ch'ing, p. 121.

58. “Three trials,” supra, note 40. In 1962 Mao approved the procedure of “squatting on a point” (tun-tien): “We must go to the countryside to squat on a selected spot. We must go and squat in the production brigades and production teams, and go to the factories and shops.” “Talk at an enlarged central work conference” (30 January 1962), in Wan-sui (1969), pp. 413–14. However, in the same speech Mao warns against the use of secret investigative techniques.

59. Prelude, p. 190, note 10.

60. Cf. Whyte, Martin King, “The Tachai brigade and incentives for the peasant,” Current Scene, Vol. VII, No. 16 (15 08 1969)Google Scholar.

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63. Ibid.

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66. U.S. Department of State Press Release, No. 618 (12 December 1963), as cited in Lewis, John Wilson, “Revolutionary struggle and the second generation in Communist China,” CQ, No. 21 (01/03, 1965), pp. 126–47CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

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68. Editor, “Thoroughly criticize and repudiate the revisionist line of some of the principal leading members of the former Peking Municipal Party Committee,” Hung-ch'i, No. 9 (1 07 1966)Google Scholar.

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70. Cf. White, Gordon, The Politics of Class and Class Origin: The Case of the Cultural Revolution (Canberra: Australian National University, 1976)Google Scholar, Contemporary China Papers, No. 9.

71. Cf. John A. Kringen and Steve Chan, “Chinese crisis perception and behaviour: a summary of findings,” paper delivered at the Joint Committee on Contemporary China, Workshop on Chinese Foreign Policy, Ann Arbor, 12–14 August 1976. Kringen's and Chan's analysis of refugee interviews in comparison with a control population of Hong Kong Chinese indicates that these views of crises have been well internalized by the mainland Chinese population.

72. Cf. Tsou, Tang, “Prolegomenon to the study of informal groups in CCP Politics,” CQ, No. 65 (01 1976), pp. 98–113CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

73. Cf. Nathan, Andrew J., Peking Politics, 1918–1923: Factionalism and the Failure of Constitutionalism (Berkeley, Calif.: University of California Press, 1976), pp. 27–59Google Scholar; also Eastman, Lloyd, The Abortive Revolution (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1974)CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

74. The author of the most penetrating analysis of the Lin Piao affair concludes that “the orchestration of accusations against Lin in line and policy, many of which are poorly substantiated and incomprehensible, seems to be aimed mainly at raising the level of criticisms from the rather uninspiring level of power struggle to the more acceptable plane of ideological and policy disputes, thus justifying e Mao's purge of Lin with the noble cause of struggle for continuing the revolution.” Kau, Michael Y. M., “Introduction,” in The Lin Piao Affair: Power Politics and the Military Coup (White Plains, N.Y.: International Arts and Sciences Press, 1975), p. xlivGoogle Scholar, et passim. It is interesting to note that in Mao's in camera explanaortion of the reasons for the purge, he alludes exclusively to power-political coner siderations, just as he did in the case of Liu and Teng. To infer policy differences, one must look at the political context and the public polemics. This is not to say that policy plays no role in the chairman's decision to purge, but that policy must first be “translated” into power-political terms.