¹ Quoted from The Japan Weekly Chronicle, 21 10 1909, p. 730.Google ScholarContrary to Shirani's assertion, however, the actual population of Manchuria in 1909 was probably no more than 18 million.Google Scholar

² Quoted from The Japan Weekly Chronicle, 15 12 1927, p. 641.Google Scholar

³ Manshi kai, hen, Manshū kaihatsu yonjūnen shi (History of Forty Years of Manchurian Development) (Tokyo, 1964), Vol. I, p. 706.Google ScholarAnother scholar, Ping-ti Ho, points out that: “after the cession to Russia of some 350,000 square miles of territory north of the Amur and east of the Ussuri in 1860, the colonization of Manchuria became a vital matter of policy. In 1860, therefore, the rich virgin plain of the Hu-lan River, north of Harbin … was legally thrown open to Chinese immigrants. In the next year the fertile prairie of north-western Kirin … was made available. … The Sino-Japanese war of 1894–5 and the Russo-Japanese war of 1904–5 made the colonization of Manchuria an even more urgent national concern. Before Manchuria was made into three provinces in 1907, all legal bans to Chinese colonization had been lifted.”Google ScholarPing-ti, Ho, Studies on the Population of China, 1368–1953 (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1959), p. 160.Google Scholar

⁴ Ishida, Kōhei, Manshū ni okeru shokuminchi keizai no shiteki tenkai (The Historical Development of a Colonial Economy in Manchuria) (Kyoto: Mineruva Shobō, 1964), pp.128–36.Google Scholar

⁵ Ibid. pp. 136–8.

⁶ Ibid. pp. 227–31.

⁷ Chin-tai tung-pei jen-min ko-ming yün-tung shih (The History of the People's Revolutionary Movement in the Northeast in Modern Times) (Ch'ang ch'un: Ch'i-lin Jen-min Ch'u-pan-she, 1960), p. 156. (Hereafter cited as History of the People's Revolutionary Movement.) Between 1901–3, the yearly average of Manchurian exports was $13,644,000; imports averaged $7,568,000. Between 1909–11, in contrast, exports and imports increased to $95,160,000 and $68,798,000 respectively.Google Scholar

⁸ Hosokawa, Karoku, Shokuminchi shi (Colonial History), in Gendai Nihon bummei shi, Vol. 10 (Tokyo: Tōyō Keizai Shinposha, 1941), p. 426.Google Scholar According to figures cited by Andō Hikotarō, the population of the Three Eastern Provinces increased by approximately 10 million during the 20 years from 1907 to 1927. At the beginning of the period, it was estimated by Japanese officials at 16,778,000; by 1927 it had increased to 26,784,000. Andō, Hikotarō, “Senzen no Manshū keieiron to Nihon imin” (“The prewar argument for the management of Manchuria and Japanese immigration”) Waseda seiji keizaigaku zasshi (Waseda Political-Economic Journal), No. 171 (10 1961), p. 2.Google Scholar

⁹ Manshū kaihatsu yonjūnen shi, Vol. 1, p. 848. In Europe, Germany and England were the biggest importers of Manchurian beans and bean products.Google Scholar

¹⁰ Nishimura, Shigeo, “Teikokushugi to noson keizai ni tsuite no oboegaki” (“Notes on imperialism and agricultural economy”) Chūgoku kindai shi kenkyū kaihō, No. 11 (12 1968), p. 6.Google Scholar

¹¹ Manshū kaihatsu yonjūnen shi, Vol. 1, p. 849.Google Scholar

¹² Sun, Kungtu C., The Economic Development of Manchuria in the First Half of the Twentieth Century (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1968), p. 43.Google Scholar

¹³ Hosokawa Karoku, pp. 450 and 455.Google Scholar

¹⁴ Rosa, Luxemburg, The Accumulation of Capital (New York: Modern Reader Paperback, 1968), p. 402.Google Scholar

¹⁵ History of the People's Revolutionary Movement, pp. 262–3.Google Scholar

¹⁶ Manshū kaihatsu yonjūnen shi, Vol. 1, p. 106.Google Scholar

¹⁷ The term is André Gunder Frank's. See his book, Capitalism and Under-development in Latin America: Historical Studies of Chile and Brazil (New York: Modern Reader Paperback, 1969).Google Scholar

¹⁸ Nishimura Shigeo, p. 9.Google Scholar

¹⁹ The system of bean circulation is illustrated in the following diagram:Google Scholar

In spot transactions large wagons drawn by teams of horses carried the beans scores of miles to the major stations in the railway zone – Dairen, Haicheng, Liaoyang, Suchiatun, Mukden, Tiehling, Kaiyuan, Szupingchieh, Changchun, Yingkow, Fushun and Antung. According to one Japanese consular report from Changchun in November 1911, 700 to 800 (and on some days as many as 1,000) horse-drawn wagons loaded with beans entered Changchun daily during the height of the winter marketing season. Manshū kaihatsu yonjūnen shi, Vol. 1, pp. 880 and 874; Nishimura Shigeo, p. 10.Google Scholar

²⁰ Manshū kaihatsu yonjūnen shi, Vol. 1, p. 696. The Mantetsu charged higher freight rates for transporting agricultural commodities than for industrial manufacturers. For 1,000 tons of processed agricultural commodities a peasant had to pay 573 yen in freight charges, whereas for the same amount of industrial manufactures the charge was only 250 yen.Google Scholar

²¹ Manshū kaihatsu yonjūnen shi, Vol. 1, pp. 108 and 880; Nishimura Shigeo, p. 10.Google Scholar

²² Nishimura Shigeo, p. 5.Google Scholar

²³ History of the People's Revolutionary Movement, p. 156.Google Scholar

²⁴ Asada, Kyoji, Nihon teikokushugi to kyūshokuminchi jinushisei (Japanese Imperialism and the Old Colonial Landlord System) (Tokyo: Ochanomizu Shobō, 1968), pp. 173 and 177.Google Scholar

²⁵ Katō, Toyotaka, Manshūkoku keisatsu shōshi – Manshūkoku kenryoku no jittai ni tsuite (A Short History of the Police in Manchukuo) (Matsuyama City, Ehime prefecture: Manchuria-Mongolia Comrades Assistance Association – Ehime Branch, 1968), p. 26.Google Scholar Although I have made no attempt to explore the subject of Manchurian banditry, readers wishing to do so may find it helpful to consult Weale, B. L. Putnam, Manchu and Muscovite (London: Macmillan and Company, 1904), ch. 21Google Scholar; Howard, Harvey J., Ten Weeks With Chinese Bandits (New York: Dodd, Mead and Company, 1926)Google Scholar; Mark Mancall and Georges Jidkoff, “Les Honghuzi de la Chine du Nord-Est” (unpublished manuscript, 1969). In Japanese, Watanabe, Ryūsaku'sBazoku – Nitchū sensō shi no sokumen (Bandits – An Aspect of the History of the Sino-Japanese War) (Tokyo: Chūkō Shinsho 40, 1964) contains a good introductory bibliography of Japanese and Chinese language materials.Google Scholar

²⁶ Fujii, Shōichi, “Nichi-Ro sensō” (“The Russo-Japanese war”) in Iwanami, kōza series, Nihon rekishi (Japanese History), Vol. 18, p. 9, Gendai I (Tokyo: Iwanami Shoten, 1965), p. 131.Google Scholar

²⁷ Arai, Shinichi, “Nichi-Ro sensō to Manshū mondai,” (“The Russo-Japanese war and the Manchurian problem”) Rekishigaku kenkyū, No. 238 (02 1960), p. 28.Google Scholar

²⁸ A leading business journal, the Tokyo Keizai zasshi printed an article on 21 11 1903 entitled, “Why do the businessmen insist on war?” “Today,” it began, “private businessmen are advocating war over the Manchurian problem. … According to a report in the Japan Mail, Russia is said to have made a regulation increasing the tonnage tax for foreign ships at Dairen to more than 12 times the amount charged to Russian ships. If Russia occupies Manchuria and this method of levying taxes is carried out, Japanese business may have to endure terrible taxes. Although the Chinese government has presumably stated that Mukden and Tatungko are to be open markets for free foreign commerce and residence, if Russia does not approve, the situation will have to be decided by appealing to war. In short, as long as Russia occupies Manchuria, we must recognize that on the basis of her past record Japan's trade will be held down.” On 16 January 1904 the same magazine advocated sending a “final ultimatum” to Russia and choosing the time and place for opening hostilities. Quoted in Fujii Shōichi, “Nichi-Ro sensō,” pp. 147–8.Google Scholar

²⁹ Shinobu, Seisaburō, Taishō seiji shi (Taishō Political History), Vol. 1 (Tokyo: Kawade Shobō, 1951), p. 39.Google Scholar

³⁰ Maejima, Shozō, “Dai niji Katsura naikaku no keizai seisaku to seitōteki kiban” (“The economic policies of the second Katsura cabinet and its political party foundation”) (Part II) Ritsumeikan hōgaku, No. 21 (12 1957), p. 36.Google Scholar

³¹ History of the People's Revolutionary Movement, p. 154.Google Scholar

³² History of the People's Revolutionary Movement, p. 255.Google Scholar

³³ Kantō, chō, Kantō chō shisei nijūnen shi (Twenty Year History of the Kwantung Government Administration) (Dairen: Manshū Nichi Nichi Shimbunsha, 1926), p. 781.Google Scholar According to a Chinese writer, two years later, by the end of May 1927, the total number of “Japanese business companies” in Manchuria was 1,008. Their distribution by industry was, “farming 27; marine products 8; commerce 584; industry 292; mining 14; transportation 83.” Wang, H. W., “Japanese manufacturing industries in Manchuria,” Chinese Economic Journal, Vol. 5, No. 6 (12 1929), p. 1107.Google Scholar

³⁴ Kantō chō shisei nijūnen shi, p. 682Google Scholar; Manshū kaihatsu yonjūnen shi, Vol. 2, pp. 728–9.Google Scholar

³⁵ Zoku – Minami Manshū kōgyō jijō (Industrial Conditions in South Manchuria, continued) Pamphlet No. 41, Minami Manshū tetsudō kabushiki kaisha, shomubu chōsaka (Dairen, 1928), p. 76. (Hereafter cited as Pamphlet No. 41.)Google Scholar

³⁶ Manshū kaihatsu yonjūnen shi, Vol. 2, p. 815.Google Scholar

³⁷ In 1915 in South Manchuria alone there were 15 Chinese currencies – 4 hard ones and 7 paper ones – plus two “special monetary systems” in common use. In addition, Hong Kong silver, Mexican dollars and five types of Japanese currency were circulating. Minami Manshū nōgyō gaikyō (The General Condition of Agriculture in South Manchuria), Minami Manshū tetsudō kabushiki kaisha, chihōbu, chihōka (Dairen, 05 1915), pp. 27–8.Google Scholar

³⁸ Except where otherwise noted, my discussion of Japanese banks in Manchuria draws on Hou Shu-t'ung, “Japanese Bank Notes in Manchuria,” Yenching Political Science Series, No. 13 (Peiping, 1931), pp. 1–25.Google Scholar

³⁹ Manmō kenkyū shūhō (Manchuria-Mongolia Research Bulletin) (Dairen, 01 1915), p. 61Google Scholar; Manshū kaihatsu yonjūnen shi, Vol. 2, p. 838Google Scholar; Second Report on Progress in Manchuria, The South Manchurian Railway Company (Dairen, 1929), p. 193.Google Scholar

⁴⁰ Andō, Minoru, “Mantetsu kaisha no sōritsu ni tsuite” (“The establishment of the Mantetsu”), Part II, Rekishi hyōron (07 1960), p. 22.Google Scholar

⁴¹ Hou Shu-T'ung, p. 18.Google Scholar

⁴² Pamphlet No. 41, pp. 81–94.Google Scholar

⁴³ Manshū kaihatsu yonjūnen shi, Vol. 2, p. 725.Google Scholar

⁴⁴ Andō, Hikotarō, ed., Mantetsu-Nihon teikokushugi to Chūgoku (Tokyo: Ochanomizu Shobō, 1965), p. 97.Google Scholar

⁴⁵ Manshū kaihatsu yonjūnen shi, Vol. 2, p. 725.Google Scholar

⁴⁶ History of the People's Revolutionary Movement, p. 155.Google Scholar

⁴⁷ In 1930, a Chinese study of the effects of the likin system on the Manchurian bean trade disclosed that “beans coming from the producing district in Fuchin on the lower reaches of the Sungari river to the manufacturing centre in Harbin” had to pay the following likin dues: At Fuchin: (1) Public welfare tax; (2) Product distribution tax; (3) Tou tax (when the beans are weighed); (4) River bank tax; (5) Customs duty; (6) River tax; (7) Waterway tax; (8) Wharf due; (9) Cereal tax; (10) Water police tax. At Chamoshih: (1) Distribution tax; (2) Business tax; (3) Tou tax; (4) River tax; (5) Waterway tax; (6) Customs duty; (7) Wharf due; (8) Cereal tax; (9) Water police tax. At Anta: (1) Special tax; (2) Province entrance tax.Google Scholar “At Shiaochiaotse the only additional levy is the entrance tax into the provincial frontier, charged at ·2 per cent. ad valorum. The Customs duty is the official revenue of the Chinese Government, and as a comparison between the different rates charged, the national tariff is infinitesimal. The River tax and the Waterway tax … are the main levies of the provincial authorities. The Production tax is collected by the tariff bureaux of different provincial finance ministries. At some places there is the Bean tax, collected by the local chambers of commerce. Proceeds from the River tax and the Water-way tax are intended to meet the expenses of the naval fleet on the Sungari river. … The Steamer landing fee is also collected by the naval authorities. The Cereal tax is collected by the Cereals Associations … at different localities for their Education Departments, retaining 50 per cent. of the total proceeds for their own upkeep. It is puzzling to enumerate all the varied forms of official and unofficial levies.” Tsao, Lien-en, “The marketing of soya beans and bean oil,” Chinese Economic Journal, Vol. VII, No. 3 (12 1930), pp. 965–6.Google Scholar

⁴⁸ Hosokawa, Karoku, Shokuminchi shi (Colonial History) in Gendai Nihon bummei shi, Vol. 10 (Tokyo: Tōyō Keizai Shinpōsha, 1941), pp. 431–3.Google Scholar

⁴⁹ Manshū kaihatsu yonjūnen shi, Vol. 2, p. 337.Google Scholar

⁵⁰ History of the People's Revolutionary Movement, p. 166.Google Scholar

⁵¹ Manshū kaihatsu yonjūnen shi, Vol. 2, p. 341.Google Scholar

⁵² Yanaihara, Tadao, Manshū mondai (The Manchurian Problem) (Tokyo: Iwanami Shoten, 1934), p. 69.Google Scholar

⁵³ History of the People's Revolutionary Movement, p. 263.Google Scholar

⁵⁴ Manshū kaihatsu yonjūnen shi, Vol. 2, p. 814.Google Scholar