Published online by Cambridge University Press: 12 February 2009
Until recently, few people in mainland China would dispute the significance of the hukou (household registration) system in affecting their lives – indeed, in determining their fates. At the macro level, the centrality of this system has led some to argue that the industrialization strategy and the hukou system were the crucial organic parts of the Maoist model: the strategy could not have been implemented without the system. A number of China scholars in the West, notably Christiansen, Chan, Cheng and Seiden, Solinger, and Mallee, have begun in recent years to study this important subject in relation to population mobility and its social and economic ramifications. Unlike population registration systems in many other countries, the Chinese system was designed not merely to provide population statistics and identify personal status, but also directly to regulate population distribution and serve many other important objectives desired by the state. In fact, the hukou system is one of the major tools of social control employed by the state. Its functions go far beyond simply controlling population mobility.
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9. These provisions were taken out when the Constitution was next revised in 1975.
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23. In the U.S. system the criteria for determining eligibility are publicly known. There is also a waiting list based on the date on which the application is processed. This is not the Chinese case where processing of applications works entirely in a “black box.” The precise criteria for eligibility are often not made public. Such practices have given rise to many opportunities for corruption.
24. See Ministry of Public Security, Guanyu chuli hukou qianyi wenti de tongzhi (Circular Concerning the Regulations of Transfer of Hukou Registration), issued on 17 04 1962Google Scholar; Minister of Public Security, Guanyu jiaqiang hukou guanti gongzuo de yijian (Suggestions Concerning the Reinforcement of Hukou Administration), issued on 8 12, 1962Google Scholar; Ministry of Public Security, Guanyu chuli hukou qianyi de guiding (The Regulations of Transfer of Hukou Registration), issued on 8 11 1977Google Scholar; Ministry of Public Security, Guanyu yinfa “guanyu hukou qianyi de wenti jieda” de tongzhi (Circular on Circulating MPS's Questions and Answers Concerning the Hukou Migration), issued on 15 09 1978Google Scholar; Guangren, Liu (ed.), Hukou guanti xue (Study of Hukou Registration Administration) (Beijing: China Procuratorial Press, 1992).Google Scholar
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78. Indeed, even the members of a family (parents and children) are divided by different hukou categories. See Cheng, Tiejun, “Dialectics of control,” p. 302–303.Google Scholar Also Yangcheng wanbao, 25 10 1998 (electronic edition, http://www.ycwb.com.cn).Google Scholar
79. See State Statistical Bureau, Guanyu yinfa gaige woguo nongye feinongye renkou huafen biaozhun de shixing fang'an de tongzhi (Circular on the Pilot Scheme of Reforming the Criteria for Classification of Agricultural and Non-agricultural Population), issued on 8 07 1988.Google Scholar
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81. In fact, population data classified by agricultural and non-agricultural hukou status still continue to be reported in various recent official statistical yearbooks (1996 and 1997) such as the Population Statistical Yearbook published by the State Statistical Bureau and the Population Yearbook published by Population Research Institute, the Chinese Academy of Social Sciences.
82. See Ministry of Public Security, Guanyu qiyong xinde changzhu renkou dengjibiao he juming hukouben youguan shixiang de tongzhi (Circular on Some Issues Relating to Usage of New Form of Regular Population Registration and Hukou Book), issued on 19 12 1995.Google Scholar Also, Sing Too Daily, 8 07 1997, p. A7.Google Scholar
83. Reporting this forthcoming change, South China Morning Post (International Weekly) proclaimed that “Registration system set to be abolished” (the title of an article) on 5 02 1994, p. 7Google Scholar; Ming bao (Hong Kong) carried an article on 21 June 1996 (p. A9) with a similar tone.
84. Those published in the 1980s are documented in Cheng, Tiejun, “Dialectics of control.”Google Scholar More recent ones include Hongbin, You, “Huji guanli zhidu gaige de fanglüe (”Schemes for reforming household registration system“), Demography and Family Planning, No.4 (1994), pp. 15–17.Google ScholarQingwu, Zhang, “Hukou qianyi huhuan huji gaige (“Hukou transfer calls for the reform of hukou system,” Journal of Public Security University, No. 3 (1994).Google Scholar The most well-known critique is by Guo, Shutian and Liu, Chunbin, Shiheng de Zhongguo (An Unbalanced China) (Shijiazhuang: Hebei renmin chubanshe, 1990).Google Scholar
85. Personal interview with the officials in the Ministry of Public Security, September 1997 and July 1998, Beijing. Also see Xin, and Yu, , Reform of Chinese Hukou System.Google Scholar
86. Ibid.
87. Sing Tao Daily, 11 07 1998, p. A6, and 7 11 1998, p. A6.Google Scholar See also State Council, Pizhuan gonganbu guanyujiejue dangqian hukou guanti gongzuo zhongjige tuchu wenn de yijian de tongzhi (Circular for Approving and Circulating the MPS's Proposal for Resolving Some Serious Problems in Current Hukou Administration), issued on 22 07 1998.Google Scholar
88. An example of an urban welfare programme can be found in Suzhou (see Sing Too Daily, 7 12 1998, p. B8Google Scholar). Before September 1997, outsiders could not purchase property in Beijing (see Guangzhou ribao, 10 09 1997, p. 1).Google Scholar
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90. Guo, and Liu, , An Unbalanced China.Google Scholar