1. An English translation of the “Regulations” is available in two parts in Issues and Studies, 08 1979, pp. 100–112Google Scholar; and September 1979, pp. 104–115.

2. “Zhonggong zhongyang guanyu jiakuai nongye fazhan ruogan wenti de jueding” (“Decision of the Central Committee of the Chinese Communist Party on some questions concerning the acceleration of agricultural development”), ZGNYNJ 1980, pp. 56–62.Google Scholar For an English translation, see British Broadcasting Corporation, Summary of World Broadcasts (SWB), Part 3: The Far East, 10 10 1979.Google Scholar

3. In the light of subsequent developments, many of the debates of the late 1970s now seem of little more than academic interest. However, the supposed incompatibility between a modernized and a decentralized agriculture has continued to exercise attention down to the present day. See below, p. 555.

4. Riskin, Carl, China's Political Economy (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1987), p. 171.Google Scholar Some evidence of the extent of such practices can be found in C.S. Chen and Charles Price Ridley, Rural People's Communes in Lien-chiang: Documents Concerning Communes in Lien-chiang County, Fukien Province, 1962–63 (Stanford: Hoover Institution Publications, Stanford University, 1969). See also Walker, K. R., “Chinese agriculture during the period of the readjustment” in The China Quarterly, No. 100 (12 1984), p. 786.Google Scholar

5. Ibid. p. 787.

6. “Guanyu jinyibu jiaqing he wanshan nongye shengchan zerenzhi de jige wenti” (“Communique on several issues concerning the further strengthening and perfection of production responsibility systems in agriculture”), ZGNYNJ 1981, pp. 409–411.Google Scholar

7. ZGNYNJ 1981, p. 80.Google Scholar

8. Much has already been written about the nature of the various kinds of responsibility system and only brief comments are offered here. For a particularly illuminating account, see Kueh, Y. Y., “The economics of the ‘second land reform’ in China,” The China Quarterly, No. 101 (03 1985), pp. 123–25.Google Scholar Also useful is Riskin, , China's Political Economy, pp. 287–88.Google Scholar

9. Hence Riskin's characterization of BGDH as “tenant farming with the collective and state as landlord.” Ibid. p. 288.

10. “Zhengqu jinnian nongye shengchan you gengda de fazhan” (“Strive to bring about an even greater development of agricultural production this year”), Renmin ribao (People's Daily), 4 02 1982.Google Scholar

11. “Zenyang wanshan nongye shengchan zerenzhi?” (“How can we perfect agricultural production responsibility systems?”), Renmin ribao, 6 02 1982.Google Scholar

12. See, e.g., “Jiaqiang nongcun de shehuizhuyi jiaoyu” (“Strengthen socialist education in the countryside”), Hongqi (Red Flag), No. 7, 1 04 1982.Google Scholar

13. “Wanshan nongye shengchan zerenzhi de zhongyao yihuan” (“An important link in perfecting the agricultural production responsibility systems”), Renmin ribao, 18 09 1982.Google Scholar

14. “Strive to bring about an even greater development,” Renmin ribao, 4 02 1982.Google Scholar

15. See the report of the National Rural Work Conference, held in December 1981, in SWB, Pt 3: The Far East, 8 04 1982.Google Scholar Also “Shixing nongye shengchan zerenzhi yu jianchi jitihua fangxiang” (“Implementing the agricultural production responsibility systems and adhering to the orientation of collectivization”), Hongqi, No. 12, 1 07 1982.Google Scholar And Du Runsheng in Renmin ribao, 1 03 1983.Google Scholar

16. “Dangqian nongcun jingji zhengce de ruegan wenti” (“Various questions concerning current rural economic policies”), ZGNYNJ 1983, pp. 1–5.Google Scholar For an English translation, see SWB, Pt 3: The Far East, 14 04 1983.Google Scholar

17. “Zhonggong zhongyang guanyu 1984 nian nongcun gongzuo de tongzhi” (“Circular of the Central Committee of the CCP on rural work in 1984”), ZGNYNJ 1984, pp. 1–4.Google Scholar For a translation, see Ash, R. F. in The China Quarterly, No. 101 (03 1985), pp. 132–42.Google Scholar

18. The phase is Y.Y. Kueh's. See “China's second land reform,” p. 128.Google Scholar

19. Villages were also restored to replace the administrative functions of the production brigades. See Xinhua News Agency (New China News Agency) (XHNA), 11 June 1982 in SWB, Pt 3: The Far East, 18 06 1982.Google Scholar

20. “Zhengshe fenkai shi nongcun jingji fazhan he zhengquan jianshe de yaoqiu” (“Separation of government administration from commune management is needed for the development of the rural economy and the building of state power”), Renmin ribao, 30 07 1982.Google Scholar

21. SWB, Ft 3: The Far East, 18 05 1982.Google Scholar

22. “Shixing zhengshe fenkai” (“Carrying out the separation of government administration from commune management”), ZGNYNJ 1984, pp. 217–18.Google Scholar

23. The target has remain unfulfilled. See below, p. 552.

24. Details of price changes during 1979 can be found in ZGNYNJ 1980, p. 146.Google Scholar

25. ZGNYNJ 1982, p. 150et seq.Google Scholar

26. Ibid. pp. 152 and 356–57.

27. These were in fact withdrawn following the abolition of the state monopoly purchase system in 1985.

28. “Strive to bring about an even greater development,” Renmin ribao, 4 02 1982.Google Scholar

29. He Kang (minister of agriculture) revealed that at the end of 1982, 10% of all peasant households were specialized households. SWB, Pt 3: The Far East, 14 01 1983.Google Scholar

30. For more evidence, see “Guanyu youxuanzedi fazhan nongye jixiehua de wenti” (“On the question of the selective development of agricultural mechanization”), Renmin ribao, 11 04 1983.Google Scholar Note also Ningxia ribao (Ningxia Daily), 14 04 1983Google Scholar, which stated that “peasant individuals or integrated peasant households are allowed to buy large and medium-sized farm machines and implements, such as tractors and other vehicles. The existing collectively-owned large and medium-sized farming machines and implements… can be put under a specialized contract system or can be sold at the market price to individual commune members or integrated peasant households for their own disposal and use.…” Quoted in SWB, Pt 3: The Far East, 5 05 1983.Google Scholar

31. “Guojia jingji tizhi gaige weiyuanhui, shangyebu guanyu gaige nongcun shangpin liutong tizhi ruogan wenti de shixing guiding” (“Ministry of Trade and the Commission for Restructuring the Economy: trial regulations concerning certain questions on the reform of the system of rural commodity circulation”), ZGNYNJ 1984, pp. 502–504.Google Scholar See also SWB, Pt 3: The Far East, 3 03 1983.Google Scholar

32. “Circular on rural work in 1984,” Sect. 5.

33. Runsheng, Du, “Woguo nongcun fazhan de jige wenti” (“Several questions relating to agricultural development in China”), ZGNYNJ 1984, pp. 5–9.Google Scholar

34. A number of sources point to China's leaders having been taken by surprise by the speed of advance in the agricultural sector after 1978. See, e.g., Renmin ribao, 31 12 1984.Google Scholar

35. Ibid.

36. Ziyang, Zhao, “Fangkai nongchanpin jiage; cujin nongcun chanye jiegou de diaozheng” (“Loosen control over the prices of farm products and promote the readjustment of the structure of rural products”), Hongqi, No. 3, 1 02 1985.Google Scholar See also SWB, Pt 3: The Far East, 4 01 1985.Google Scholar

37. XHNA, 7 01 1985Google Scholar in SWB, Pt 3: The Far East, 12 01 1985.Google Scholar

38. “Zhonggong zhongyang, guowuyuan guanyu jinyibu huoyue nongcun jingji de shixiang zhengce” (“Ten policies of the CCP Central Committee and the State Council for the further invigoration of the rural economy”), ZGNYNJ 1985, pp. 1–3Google Scholar. An English translation is available in SWB, Pt 3: The Far East, 27 03 1985.Google Scholar

39. Since 1954 China had implemented tonggou for grain, cotton and oil crops; and paigou for some other agricultural and side-line products.

40. “Xuehui zai shangpin jingji de dahaili youyong” (“Learn to swim in the ocean of the commodity economy”), Renmin ribao, 25 03 1985.Google Scholar

41. Prices for contracted cotton were also set at the “reverse 30:70 ratio” in north China; but in accordance with a “regular 40:60 ratio” (zheng siliu) in the southern half of the country.

42. “Guanyu woguo jiage gaige wenti de tantao” (“An investigation of price reform in China”), Renmin ribao, 17 01 1986.Google Scholar

43. That is, unless so-called “external factors” prevented it.

44. See SWB, Ft 3: The Far East, 7 08 1986.Google Scholar

45. E.g., Runsheng, Du, “Guanyu fazhan nongcun shangpin jingji de jige shehui mubiao” (“On some of the social objectives of the development of the rural commodity economy”), ZGNYNJ 1985, pp. 12–15Google Scholar. Also XHNA, 22 07 1986Google Scholar; in SWB, Pt 3: The Far East, 24 07 1986.Google Scholar

46. SWB, Pt 3: The Far East, 3 and 7 01 1986.Google Scholar

47. See Renmin ribao, 3 10 1986.Google Scholar

48. Grain output in 1985 was almost 7% below the 1984 peak. Some recovery took place in 1986 and 1987, but this has not been sufficient to re-attain the 1984 level.

49. “Zhonggong zhongyang, guowuyuan guanyu 1986 nian nongcun gongzuo de bushu” (“Plan of the CCP Central Committee and the State Council for rural work in 1986”), ZGNYNJ 1986, pp. 1–4Google Scholar. An English translation can be found in SWB, Pt 3: The Far East, 26 02 1986.Google Scholar

50. It will be noticed that this essay contains no reference to “Document No. 1, 1987.” Such a directive indeed exists. But unlike its predecessors, which were overwhelmingly concerned with the economic dimensions of rural development policy, the 1987 document focused on ideological issues-especially the building of “socialist spiritual civilization in the countryside.” I am so far unaware of a “Document No. 1, 1988.”

51. “Zhuahao liangshi shengchan de meige huanjie” (“Grasp every link in grain production”), Renmin ribao, 16 04 1986Google Scholar. This article revealed that diesel oil too was being distributed to grain producers. An interesting precursor of this aspect of the grain contract system is provided in the suggestion made more than a year earlier (see ZGNYNJ 1984, pp. 220–21)Google Scholar that measures be introduced to offer fertilizer, water, electricity and other inputs to specialized grain households at preferential prices.

52. See, e.g., Jiyun, Tian's speech to the National Rural Work Conference (8 11 1986)Google Scholar in SWB, Pt 3: The Far East, 28 11 1986.Google Scholar

53. SWB, Pt 3: The Far East, 22 10 1986.Google Scholar

54. Tian Jiyun in ibid. 28 November 1986.

55. “Grasp every link,” Renmin ribao, 16 04 1986Google Scholar. In part, the attitude of cadres is understandable, for it was pointed out that “Since they [the grain contracts] are tasks assigned by the state that must be fulfilled, we cannot treat them as ordinary economic contracts. We should not exaggerate reciprocity. These contracts are to be made whether one is willing or not…”: quoted in SWB, Pt 3: The Far East, 18 07 1986.Google Scholar

56. The most recent government work report, delivered by acting premier Li Peng, called for increases in supplies of both inputs. SWB, Pt 3: The Far East, 12 03 1988.Google Scholar

57. That is, the practice of linking grain purchases by the state to the supply of low-price chemical fertilizer and diesel oil; and the payment of purchase deposits in advance.

58. See SWB, Pt 3: The Far East, 20 and 22 01 1988.Google Scholar

59. He Kang argued that the 1985 reduction in the purchase price of cotton and the withdrawal of free, or low-priced, grain to cotton farmers had had a similarly depressing impact on cotton production.

60. The text of Yao's report (26 March 1988) can be found in SWB, Pt 3: The Far East, 22 04 1988.Google Scholar

61. Ibid. 20 January 1988.

62. “Shenhua nongcun gaige; zengqiang nongye houjin” (“Deepen rural reform and strengthen agriculture's reserve strength”) (Pt I), Renmin ribao, 17 02 1987Google Scholar, noted the intention to extend China's irrigated area by 20 million mu by 1990.

63. “Deepen rural reform and strengthen agriculture's reserve strength” (Pt II), Renmin ribao, 18 02 1987.Google Scholar

64. Nongmin ribao (Peasant Daily), 5 03 1987Google Scholar; quoted in SWB, Pt 3: The Far East, 19 03 1987.Google Scholar

65. Nongmin ribao, 20 02 1987Google Scholar; quoted in SWB, Pt 3: The Far East, 6 03 1987.Google Scholar

66. See Ping, Song in SWB, Pt 3: The Far East, 15 04 1987.Google Scholar

67. It was revealed that 50 million people had participated in the construction of water conservation projects during the winter of 1986–87. See “Deepen rural reform,” Renmin ribao, 17 02 1987.Google Scholar

68. SWB, Pt 3: The Far East, 11 07 1986.Google Scholar

69. Ibid. 20 January 1988.

70. “Jianqiang ludi guanti de yixiang zhongyao jieshi” (“An important measure for strengthening land management”), Renmin ribao, 21 04 1987.Google Scholar

71. Quoted in SWB, Pt 3: The Far East, 26 01 1988.Google Scholar

72. There have, e.g., been reports that some peasants stopped using chemical fertilizer on their contracted land. Specialized households have also been worried about having “too much” money. See Nongmin ribao, 17 03 1986Google Scholar, in SWB, Pt 3: The Far East, 5 04 1986.Google Scholar

73. The most startling instance of behaviour calculated to exacerbate such fears was surely the case of Fangshan district in the suburbs of Beijing, where, in September 1987, an attempt was unsuccessfully made to return most of the land, contracted out to households, back to collective management and use.

74. Nongmin ribao, 21 03 1986Google Scholar; in SWB, Pt 3: The Far East, 5 04 1986Google Scholar. See also “Wanshan he fazhan hezuoshezhi de yaoqiu yinglaizi nongmin” (“The demand for perfecting and developing the co-operative system must come from the peasants”), Renmin ribao, 12 05 1986.Google Scholar