1. Congleton, Roger, “Political institutions and pollution control,” The Review of Economics and Statistics, Vol. 74, No. 3 (1992), pp. 412–421CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Silva, Eduardo, “Democracy, market economics, and environmental policy in Chile,” Journal of Inter American Studies and World Affairs, Vol. 38, No. 4 (1997), pp. 1–33.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

2. Some authors argue that environmental interests may not be well represented in a representative democracy. For example, there is a lack of representation for future generations in inter-temporal allocation of natural resources. Collective action problems also create difficulties for diffuse environmental interests to be effectively represented in policy making. See Lafferty, William and Meadowcroft, James (eds.), Democracy and the Environment (Brookfield: Edward Elgar, 1996)Google Scholar; Achterberg, Wouter, “Sustainability, community and democracy,” in Doherty, Brian and de Geus, Marius (eds.), Democracy and Green Political Thought (New York: Routledge, 1996)Google Scholar; Fiorino, Daniel, “Environmental risk and democratic process,” Columbia Journal of Environmental Law, Vol. 14 (1989), pp. 501–544Google Scholar; Payne, Rodger A., “Freedom and the environment,” Journal of Democracy, Vol. 6, No. 3 (07 1995), pp. 41–55.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

3. Przeworski, Adam et al. Sustainable Democracy (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1995)CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Schmitter, Philippe C., “The consolidation of democracy and representation of social groups,” American Behavioral Scientist, Vol. 35 (1992), pp. 422–449.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

4. Wilson, James Q., Political Organization (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1995)Google Scholar; Thibaut, John and Walker, Laurens, “A theory of procedure,” California Law Review, Vol. 6, No. 3 (1978), pp. 541–566.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

5. See, for example, O'Donnell, Guillermo, “On the state, democratization and some conceptual problems: a Latin American view with glances at some post-Communist countries,” World Development, Vol. 21, No. 8 (1993), pp. 1355–69.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

6. Chao, Linda and Myers, Ramon H., “The first Chinese democracy,” Asian Survey, Vol. 34, No. 5 (05 1994), pp. 213–230.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

7. In the past, for example, the KMT could directly channel government resources to support its candidates in elections and send pro-KMT soldiers to their home towns to vote for its candidates.

8. Tien, Hung-Mao and Cheng, Tun-Jen, “Crafting democratic institutions in Taiwan,” The China Journal, Vol. 37 (1997), p. 13.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

9. After its overwhelming wins in local magistrial and mayoral elections in 1997, the Democratic Progressive Party has, for the first time in history, ruled more than half local jurisdictions in Taiwan.

10. According to Hsiao, between 1980 and 1987 there were an average of 13.75 environmental conflicts per year; the average increased to 31.33 protests per year between 1988 and 1990 and to 258 in 1991 alone. After 1991, the number of protests began to decrease. See Hsin-huang, Hsiao, “Taiwan difang huan-bao kangzheng de xingge yu zhuanbian: 1980–1991”Google Scholar (“The characteristics and change of Taiwan's grassroots environmental protest movement: 1980–1991”), in Taiwan yanjiu jijin (Taiwan Research Foundation) (ed.), Huanjing baohu yu chanye zhengce (Environmental Protection and Industrial Policy) (Taipei: Chien-wei Publication, 1994).Google Scholar

11. Tang, Shui-Yan and Tang, Ching-Ping, “Democratization and environmental politics in Taiwan,” Asian Survey, Vol. 37, No. 3 (06, 1997), pp. 281–294.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

12. According to a recent count by the Environmental Protection Association for Enterprises, there are more than 200 registered environmental organizations in Taiwan.

13. These organizations differ from one another in objectives and strategies. For example, the New Environment Foundation focuses on social education and is less active in politics. The Environmental Protection Association for Enterprises is supported by enterprises to promote communication among environmental groups, policy makers and enterprises. The Taiwan Environmental Protection Union vigorously supported local protests against pollution in the past, and has gradually shifted its limited resources to represent diffuse interests in such issues as ecological preservation, the anti-golf movement and the anti-nuclear movement. Also see Jun-Ying, Huang, “Huan-bao xitong zhong zhongjie tuanti juese zhi yanjiu” (“A study on the role of intermediary groups in environmental protection action”), an EPA sponsored Research Report of National Chung-shan University, Taiwan (1988)Google Scholar; and Jiunn-Rong, Jch, “Huan-bao tuanti de zhuanxing” (“The transformation of environmental groups”), Huan-bao yu jingji (Environmental Protection and Economy), Vol. 31 (1992), Taipei, pp. 36–40.Google Scholar

14. Wilson, , Political Organization.Google Scholar

15. For a discussion on the evolution and special problems of Taiwan's environmental regulations, see Chang-Tay, Chiou, Taiwan huanjing guanzhi zhengce (Taiwan's Environ mental Control Policy) (Taipei: Shu-hsin Publication, 1995)Google Scholar. For the dynamics between political liberalization, economic development, and environmental protection in Taiwan, see Yeh, Jiunn-Rong, “Institutional capacity-building toward sustainable development: Taiwan's environmental protection in the climate of economic development and political liberalization,” Duke Journal of Comparative and International Law, Vol. 6 (1996), pp. 229–272.Google Scholar

16. One may cite the examples of Han county and Kaohsiung city governments, which have been successful in cleaning up the Tungshan River and the Ai River respectively.

17. For example, Ilan county rejected the investment project of the Sixth Naphtha Cracker Plant by Formosa Plastic Groups. See Shih-Hsien, Chang, “Huan-bao xietiao guocheng zhi yanjiu” (“Period structures and developments in negotiation of environmental protection: case study of the 6th Naphtha Cracker in Ilan 1986–1988”), Zhongguo xingzheng pinglun (The Chinese Public Administration Review), Vol. 2, No. 3 (1993), Taipei, pp. 39–66Google Scholar; and Shih-I, Huang “Liuqing, zhengfu, minzhong, changshang” (“The Sixth Naphtha Cracker, government, citizens and enterprises”), Master's thesis, Chinese Culture University, Taiwan, 1991.Google Scholar

18. For example, see Pi-Yao, Lin, “Taiwan de fanne yundong” (“Taiwan's anti-nuclear movement”), in Hsien-Yu, Cheng (ed.), Hesi juece gaocheng yu fushe shanghai (The Policy Process of the Fourth Nuclear Power Plant and Radiation Harm) (Taipei: Chien-wei Publication, 1994).Google Scholar

19. Yu-Feng, Chen, Shengtai Taiwan (Taiwan's Ecology) (Taipei: Ch'en-hsing Publisher Inc., 1996)Google Scholar; Chen-Tai, Kuo, “Gao'erfu qiuchang dui shuiwen yu shuizhi zhi yingxiang” (“The impacts of golf courses on water ecology and water quality”), New Environment, Vol. 107 (1995), Taipei, pp. 14–18Google Scholar; and Yi-Mei, Liao, “Taiwan buke chengshou de xiao bai qiu” (“A ‘little-white-ball’ that cannot be tolerated by Taiwan”), New Environment Vol. 109 (1995), Taipei, pp. 8–9.Google Scholar

20. Hsin-Min, Shih, “Taiwan huanjing baohu yundong huigu” (“A review of Taiwan's environmental protection movement”), Taiwan Environment Vol. 81 (1995), Taipei, pp. 8–13.Google Scholar

21. Wen-Hsia, Huang, “Ni zhidao ma? Hongxi gao'crfu qiuchang yi ping zhi yao yue zu wu maoqian!” (“Do you know? The monthly rent for Hung-Hsi golf courses is only fifty cents per ‘ping’”), Xin xinwen (New News Magazine) (1996), pp. 32–33.Google Scholar

22. Zhongguo shibao (China Daily News), Taipei, 27 12 1994.Google Scholar

23. For example, the Hung-si-ta-hsi Club, owned by the same developer as President Lee's villa, is one of those courses the president played in.

24. Ai-Li, Yang and Shen-Ching, Chen, “Sifa tiaozhan zheng-shang guanxi” (“Judicial challenges against politico-business relationships”), Common Wealth, Vol. 167 (1995).Google Scholar

25. Since golf is a type of sport, operating licences of golf courses wed by the Ministry of Education which administered all sports and athletic tournaments before the establishment of the Physical Education Committee in the Executive Yuan in 1997.

26. An application for golf course construction involves 36 specific laws, requires approval from more than 30 agencies and is evaluated by more than 2,000 officers (i.e. 2,000 stamps or signatures). See Ai-Li, Yang and Shen-Ching, Cheng “Judicial challenges,” pp. 209 and 212.Google Scholar

27. Yi-Chung, Li, “Taiwan diqu fangao'erfuqiu yundong zhi lishi jiegou – minjian-shehuili guandian” (“The historical structure of the anti-golf movement in the Taiwan area – a perspective of civil-societal forces”), Master's thesis, National Taiwan University, Taiwan, 1996.Google Scholar

28. For the usage of this term to describe Taiwan's political development, see Chuan-Cheng, Hsiao, Taiwan diqu de xinzhongshangzhuyi (The neo-mercantilism of the Taiwan area) (Taipei: Kuochia chengts'e yienchiu chunghsin, 1989).Google Scholar

29. Tung-Sheng, Cheng, Jinquan chengshi (The City of Money Power) (Taipei: Chu-Liu Publisher Inc., 1995).Google Scholar

30. Johnson, Chalmers, “Political institutions and economic performance: the government-business relationship in Japan, South Korea, and Taiwan,” in Deyo, F. (ed.), The Political Economy of the New Asian Industrialism (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1987)Google Scholar; Findlay, Ronald, “The new political economy: its explanatory power for LDCs,” Economics and Politics, Vol. 2 (1990), pp. 193–221CrossRefGoogle Scholar; and Wade, Robert, Governing the Market: Economic Theory and the Role of Government in East Asian Industrialization (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1990).Google Scholar

31. For a general discussion on the change of power structure and the political struggles for leadership succession, see Kau, Michael Ying-mao, “The power structure in Taiwan's political economy,” Asian Survey Vol. 36, No. 3 (06 1996), pp. 287–305CrossRefGoogle Scholar; For specific strategics that Lee used in power struggles, see Yu-Ko, Chuo, Li Denghui de yiqian lian (Lee Teng-hui's One Thousand Days) (Taipei: Mai-t'ien Publisher Inc., 1993).Google Scholar

32. The business community and local factions are two main sources of his new allies. See Lin, Tse-Min, Chu, Yun-Han and Hinich, Melvin, “Conflict displacement and regime transition in Taiwan – a spatial analysis,” World Politics, Vol. 48 (07 1996), pp. 453–481.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

33. For related reports, see Jingji ribao (Economic Daily News), 23 02 1993Google Scholar; Lianhe bao (United News), Taipei, 13 and 18 02 1993.Google Scholar

34. Tien, Hung-Mao and Cheng, Tun-Jen, “Crafting democratic institutions,” p. 14.Google Scholar

35. Kau, Michael Yin-mao, “The power structure.”Google Scholar

36. For example, Wong Ta-Ming, as head of the Hua-long Conglomerate, was elected legislator and secured a seat in the powerful Finance Committee in the Legislative Yuan. See Jenn-Hwan, Wong, Shui tongzhi Taiwan? (Who Governs Taiwan!) (Taipei: Chu-liu Publisher Inc., 1996)Google Scholar. For a general discussion on the emerging influence of the business groups, see Hsin-Huang, Hsiao, “Formation and transformation of Taiwan's state-business relations: a critical analysis,” Bulletin of Institute of Ethnology, Academia Sinica, Vol. 74 (1993), Taipei, pp. 1–32.Google Scholar

37. Personal interview with an official in the Department of Urban Development, Taipei city.

38. For an elaboration of some of these points, see Tung-Sheng, Chen, The City of Money Power.Google Scholar

39. Yu-Feng, Chen, Taiwan's Ecology.Google Scholar

40. A “correction” motion in the Control Yuan is an investigative motion against an “event,” while an “impeachment” motion is against specific “officials,” political appointees or not, who are involved in major scandals.

41. Tang, Dennis, “Wo guo huanjing fa yu zhcngce de xiankuang ji zhanwang” (“The state and future of our country's environmental law and policy”), in Editorial Committee (eds.), Dangdai gongfa lilun (Theory of Contemporary Public Law) (Taipei: Yueh-tan Publisher Inc., 1993)Google Scholar; Jiunn-Rong, Yen, “Minzhong canyu huan-bao fating zhi zhixing” (“Civic participation in the enforcement of environmental regulations), in Huanjing zhengce yu falü (Environmental Policy and Law) (Taipei: Yueh-tan Publication, 1993)Google Scholar; and Jiin-Tarng, Hwang, “Taiwan diqu huanjing fa zhi jiantao” (“A critical review of the environmental laws in the Taiwan area”), in Taiwan diqu huanjing fa zhi yanjiu (Research on the Environmental Law in the Taiwan Area) (Taiwan: Yueh-tan Publication, 1994).Google Scholar

42. For in-depth reports on the efforts of these public prosecutors to challenge the political-economic celebrities, see Ai-Li, Yang and Shen-Ching, Cheng, “Judicial challenges”; and a special report in Global Views Monthly, Vol. 127 (1996).Google Scholar

43. Zili zaobao (Tzuli Morning News), Taipei, 8 01 1996Google Scholar; Zhongguo shibao, Taipei, 30 01 1996.Google Scholar

44. According to specialists' opinion, Kuantu is a natural ventilator for smog in the Taipei Basin. Zili zaobao, Taipei, 25 06 1990.Google Scholar

45. The developers argued that high-density developments would also benefit the general public by providing affordable housing to the lower middle class. However, Park advocates countered that a nature park would benefit a wider range of diffuse interests – rich and poor, present and future generations.

46. At that time Taiwan was sanctioned by the U.S. under the Pelly Amendment for uncontrolled smuggling and selling of rhinoceros horn and ivory. Another incident was that a famous German journal, Der Spiegel, reported Taiwan's ecology conditions under the title “Wir leben im Schweinestall” (“We are living in a pig stall"). Liu Wen-Chao, “Women shenghuo zai zhushe li?” (“Are we living in a pig stall?”) New Environment, Vol. 125 (1995), pp. 3–4.Google Scholar

47. Yi-Ching, Cheng, “Yuan fei yu yue Taipei yidianyuan” (“The hawk flies and the fish leaps in Taipei's Eden”), Common Wealth, Vol. 181 (1996), Taipei, pp. 240–42.Google Scholar

48. See Cheng Yi-Ching's report on the opinions of Lin Feng-Chin, head of the Construction Bureau of Taipei City, ibid. p. 41

49. Zhongguo shibao, Taipei, 17 11 1995.Google Scholar

50. The big land owners appeared to understand the popularity of the nature park and the political difficulties of reversing the decision to establish it. Since they held the lands for speculative purposes, they preferred to cash in on them as soon as possible. Instead of engaging further in an already prolonged political battle, they gave up their high density development plans and focused on seeking higher compensation from the government. Experiencing the depression period in the early 1990s, they finally accepted an offer of almost twice their purchase prices ten years ago. For them, this was an acceptable way to get out of their financial predicament.

51. May, Peter, Burby, Raymond, Ericksen, Neil, Handmer, John, Dixon, Jennifer, Michaels, Sarah and Smith, D. Ingle, Environmental Management and Governance (New York: Routledge, 1995)Google Scholar; Ingram, Helen, Colnic, David and Mann, Dean, “Interest groups and environmental policy,” in Lester, James (ed.), Environmental Politics and Policy: Theories and Evidence, 2nd ed. (Durham: Duke University Press, 1995).Google Scholar

52. For a discussion about the characteristics of such an alliance, including why the KMT is different from the Liberal Democratic Party in Japan and the Democratic Liberal Party in South Korea, see Chu, Yun-Han, “The realignment of business-government relations and regime transition in Taiwan,” in MacIntyre, Andrew (ed.), Business and Government in Industrializing Asia (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1994).Google Scholar

53. For such pro-business attitude of high-level officials, one may cite Chiang Ping-Kun's (the Committee Chairman of Economic Development) speech which urged the bureaucrats to consider enterprises as their clients and to improve bureaucratic efficiency in attracting investment. Ziyou shibao (Chinese LA Daily News), Los Angeles, 12 05 1997.Google Scholar

54. See Cohen, Joshua and Rogers, Joel, “Secondary associations and democratic governance,” Politics and Society, Vol. 20, No. 4 (12 1992), pp. 393–472.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

55. Peltzman, Sam, “Toward a more general theory of regulation,” Journal of Law and Economics, Vol. 19 (1976), pp. 211–240CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Denzau, Arthur and Munger, Michael C., “Legislators and interest groups: how unorganized interests get represented,” American Political Science Review, Vol. 80, No. 1 (1986), pp. 89–106.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

56. See Jenn-Hwan, Wong, Who Governs Taiwan?Google Scholar

57. Tien, Hung-Mao and Cheng, Tun-Jen, “Crafting democratic institutions,” p. 25.Google Scholar

58. Tang, Shui-Yan and Tang, Ching-Ping, “Democratization and environmental politics.”Google Scholar

59. This argument is similar to Inglehart's discussions on patterns of culture shift in Western countries. Inglehart, Ronald, Culture Shift (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1990).Google Scholar

60. Li-Jung, Wang, “Minjian huan-bao zuzhi zai shequ huan-bao yundong zhong de juese he gongneng” (“The roles and functions of non-governmental environmental organizations in the community environmental movement”), in Shequ fazhan jikan (Community Development Quarterly), Vol. 56 (12 1991), Taipei, pp. 127–131.Google Scholar

61. Wilson, , Political Organization.Google Scholar

62. For discussions on the characteristics of these clientele networks, see Kau, Michael Ying-mao, “The power structure”Google Scholar; Yung-Mau, Chao, “Local politics on Taiwan: continuity and change,” in Simon, Denis F. (ed.), Taiwan Beyond the Economic Miracle (Armonk: M. E. Sharpe, 1992)Google Scholar; and Tang, Shui-Yan and Tang, Ching-Ping, “Democratization and environmental politics.”Google Scholar

63. This suggestion sets us apart from many scholars and politicians in Taiwan who advocate centralization as the best way to eliminate political corruption at the local level.

64. Diamond, Larry, “Toward democratic consolidation,” in Diamond, L. and Plattner, M. (eds.), ne Global Resurgence of Democracy (Baltimore: The Johns Hopkins University Press, 1996).Google Scholar

65. Ostrom, Vincent, The Meaning of Democracy and the Vulnerability of Democracies: A Response to Tocqueville's Challenge (Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press, 1997).CrossRefGoogle Scholar

66. Ostrom, Elinor, Governing the Commons: The Evolution of Institutions for Collective Action (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1990)CrossRefGoogle Scholar; May, et al. Environmental ManagementGoogle Scholar; Tang, Shui-Yan, Institutions and Collective Action: Self-Governance in Irrigation (San Francisco: ICS Press, 1992).Google Scholar