Published online by Cambridge University Press: 17 February 2009
Marxist economists and socialist planners share the view that the major objective of socialist economic development is to meet the needs of mass consumption. During the debates that followed the death of Mao Zedong in 1976 there was a searching examination of the extent to which development policy in the previous two or more decades had succeeded in raising living standards. A central premise of the policies of reform and Readjustment that emerged by the late 1970s from this debate was that consumption growth since the 1950s had been too slow. What was the evidence to support this contention? In what ways has policy since 1978 sought to redirect economic growth towards increased levels of consumption? Have these policies been successful and to what extent are they likely to continue to raise living standards?
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7. The main uncertainty is how completely the methodology takes into account the costs of inputs that peasants purchase, mostly on private markets.
8. See for example a page 1 news article in Guangming ribao (Guangming Daily) on 7 February 1981 citing State Statistical Bureau (SSB) data giving total peasant income as 73 yuan in 1956 and 113 yuan in 1976 (years not shown in column (5) of Table 2 but part of the same series) or an increase of 2 yuan per year. Similarly misleading statements have been made by China's highest leaders. For example Ziyang, Zhao, the premier of the State Council, in his ”Report on the Sixth Five-Year Plan” delivered at the Fifth Session of the Fifth National People's Congress on 30 11 1982 (Beijing Review, No. 51 (1982), p. 18)Google Scholar claimed that peasant income had increased by an average annual rate of 4·3 per cent between 1955 and 1980 without any mention that this was measured in current prices and vastly overstated the real increase in the peasant standard of living.
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14. The data in the next few paragraphs are in terms of per worker in the state sector. This may result in a slight overstatement of the average price subsidies and benefits enjoyed by members of the non-agricultural population. While all state workers are members of the non-agricultural population, not necessarily all members of the non-agricultural population are in households in which one member is a state employee. Of the 95 million workers and staff members in 1978, 75 million were employed in state-owned units and 20 million were employed in collective units. Although workers in urban collectives are all members of the non-agricultural population and thus eligible for subsidized food and health benefits, they do not receive the benefits administered through the trade union system, which operates only within state-owned enterprises. Moreover, enterprise funded welfare programmes are probably less generous in collectives. But many urban collective workers are members of households in which there is a member employed by the state, and thus would benefit directly from the subsidized housing and indirectly from other benefit programmes provided to state workers. What is unknown is the share of the non-agricultural population residing in households in which no member is employed (or retired from employment) by the state and what subsidies and benefits (in addition to those provided through the trade union system which constitute about 20 per cent of the subsidies and benefits of state employees) these individuals would not receive.
15. Losses in 1981 were 0·2 yuan per kilogram of rationed cereals, and 1·6 yuan per kilogram of rationed vegetable oils. Shengming, Yang, “Income, commodity prices, and living standards,” Renmin ribao (People's Daily), 16 04 1982, p. 5Google Scholar . I estimate losses as 0·15 yuan per kilogram in 1978 on the basis of changes in the average procurement price for cereals and the assumption that processing and distribution costs were unchanged. The average ration price of rice and wheat flour is 0·337 yuan per kilogram. Wang Zhenzhi and Wei Yunlang, “The changing situation concerning the scissors price differential in the exchange of industrial and agricultural products,” Jingji yanjiu ziliao (Economic Research Materials), No. 15 (1980), p. 47Google Scholar . This has a table with retail prices of selected consumer goods, including several rationed commodities, for selected years 1952–77.
16. The usual translation of full as “welfare” is misleading since in Chinese practice welfare expenditures are invariably exclusive of the need-based programmes that the word welfare commonly connotes in the west, at least in the United States. Need-based welfare programmes in China, most of which are of a short-term nature, are financed with “relief funds”(jiuji fei).
17. TJNJ 1981, p. 439.
18. NYNJ 1980, pp. 382–83.
19. TJNJ 1983, pp. 147, 453.
20. TJNJ 1983, p. 357. These figures exclude the cost of land.
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27. TJZY 1984, p. 88.
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34. TJZY 1983, p. 84.
35. The total value of subsidies on domestically produced cereals was 12·9 billion yuan and I have estimated the subsidy on imported cereals at from 0·6 to 2·4 billion yuan, the lower figure applying when the official exchange rate is used in the estimate, the higher when the domestic resource cost of earning a unit of foreign exchange is used as the implicit exchange rate. Lardy, , Agriculture in China's Modern Economic Development, p. 195Google Scholar . Of this amount 3·7 billion yuan was for rural consumption, the residual, 9·8 to 11·6 billion yuan went for subsidies of urban consumption. Indirect evidence suggests that almost none of the four billion yuan in annual subsidies in 1975—78 accrued to rural consumers.
36. Lardy, Agriculture Prices in China.
37. The cost of residential construction in urban areas rose 50 per cent, from 89 yuan to 135 yuan per square metre, between 1978 and 1982. TJNJ 1983, p. 357.
38. TJZY 1984, p. 93.
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